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Security

Phoenix Mayor Asks Sheriff To ‘Disavow’ His Extremist Ties After Holocaust Shooting

In a press conference in which he was supposed to talk about the Phoenix light rail, Mayor Gordon called on Arpaio to distance himself from his extremist allies:

GORDON: He has given a sense of recognition to the Nazis and neo-Nazis that he’s associated with…and so I ask the Sheriff today to publically disavow his associations with these hate mongerars and apologize so we can begin righting the ship.

Joe Arpaio, America’s self-proclaimed “toughest sheriff,” has won right-wing praise for his controversial immigration enforcement tactics and is currently under investigation by the Department of Justice for allegations of “discriminatory police practices and unconstitutional searches and seizures…and of allegations of national origin discrimination.”

The Anti-Defamation League recently noted that well-known white supremacists showed up at a march protesting Arpaio’s anti-immigrant tactics and hurled racial epithets to “incite violence in support of Sheriff Arpaio.” Arpaio posed for a picture with his neo-Nazi supporters and a video was released shortly after of them assuring Arpaio, “Sheriff, we have your back.” Watch it:

According to Arizona’s KTAR radio, “Arpaio has responded to Gordon’s comments by calling him a liar and saying his accusations are false.”

Health

Baucus: We Might Replace The Public Health Insurance Option With A Co-op

baucuscoopOn Tuesday, Sen. Kent Conrad (D-ND) floated the idea of replacing a public health insurance option with consumer-owned health cooperatives that would “be subject to the same standards [as private plans],” and now Senate Finance Committee Chairman Max Baucus has indicated that he is “inclined toward a co-op”:

“I am inclined, and I think the committee is inclined, toward a co-op,” Mr. Baucus said.“It’s not going to be public, we won’t call it public, but it will be tough enough to keep insurance companies’ feet to the fire,” Mr. Baucus said of the co-op.

Conrad’s proposal would establish regional or state-based entities that, upon enrolling enough individuals, would either self-insure or contract out to a third-party administrator. In this sense, a co-op would act like just another non-profit health insurance plan and would have no ability to improve health quality by championing payment innovations or other delivery system reforms.

After all, one of the advantages of a truly national public plan is its ability to improve care quality by spearheading reforms and innovations. A new public plan has the potential to do even more to drive improvements in the health care system and set the standard for developing new payment models and investing in preventive care and care coordination.

Baucus suggests that co-ops would “be tough enough to keep insurance companies’ feet to the fire,” but it’s unclear how 50 different health plans or even one national non-profit plan could influence the market. For some health care reformers, a trigger alternative — an arrangement under which a robust public plan enters the market if premiums do not decrease by X% over Y years — is preferable to just another non-profit insurance plan(s) that is unable to improve care quality.

Security

New Conservative Line: Iran’s President Doesn’t Matter!

khamenei-with-guardsAs Dana Goldstein indicates, the newly minted conservative position on Iran is that, regardless of all the time and effort they’ve spent over the last four years setting up Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as the new Hitler, it really doesn’t matter who the president of Iran is, because Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei is in charge. In the event that Ahmadinejad is defeated at the polls, expect a landslide of conservatives making this argument. I suspect that even John McCain — who famously refused to hear anything about it last year — will suddenly magically discover that the Supreme Leader is actually the supreme leader.

For example, check Daniel Pipes‘s new line. Back in 2006, Pipes ominously warned of “The Mystical Menace of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad“:

[T]he most dangerous leaders in modern history are those (such as Hitler) equipped with a totalitarian ideology and a mystical belief in their own mission. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad fulfills both these criteria.

Last week, however, speaking at a Heritage Foundation event, Pipes stated that “the president of Iran, despite his title, is not the final arbiter in [national security] matters.”

The president tends to have power in the areas — in the soft areas — having to do with culture and religion and education. And it is the Rahbare, the Supreme Guide of Iran, Khomeini at first and now Khamenei who has control of the military, the law enforcement, the judiciary system, the intelligence agencies. So its not clear that the president matters that much.

As Daniel Luban reported, Pipes was at least forthright enough to admit that, were he a registered voter in Iran, he would “vote for Ahmadinejad…I would prefer to have an enemy who is forthright and blatant and obvious.” Interestingly, Pipes’ thinking neatly mirrors the thinking of extremists elsewhere, such as the contributor to an Al Qaeda-linked website who declared that “Al-Qaeda will have to support [Sen. John] McCain in the coming election,” as McCain would be more likely to continue the policies of George W. Bush, which produced a propaganda and recruiting bonanza for the terrorists.

Pipes also flatly insisted that “when it comes to building a nuclear weapon…there is a wide consensus in the Iranian leadership that building these weapons is something that is desirableand there is no known dissent from that viewpoint .”

This is untrue. There is in fact rather well known dissent from that viewpoint — in the form of a 2003 fatwa (religious-legal decree) issued by Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei which declared that Islam forbids the development and use of all weapons of mass destruction. It’s true that later statements and actions have called this position into question, but it’s flatly false to suggest that there is “no dissent” among the Iranian clerical leadership regarding the production and use of nuclear weapons.

Interestingly, the event at which Pipes spoke was called “New Thinking for Old Problems.” The old problem, I take it, being “how to gin up a war with Iran,” and the new thinking being “insist that a reformist electoral victory will be meaningless.” Of course, if Ahmadinejad wins, he’ll still be the new Hitler and the presidency will once again matter a lot.

Politics

Fact-Checking Republican Attacks Against The Public Option

obamatownhallToday during his speech in Green Bay, Wisconsin, President Obama reiterated his support for the public health option. “One of the options in the exchange should be a public insurance option — because if the private insurance companies have to compete with a public option, it will keep them honest and help keep prices down,” Obama said.

Indeed, a new public health insurance plan could restore competition into the consolidated health insurance market, lower health care premiums, lead the way in innovation, and improve health quality.

Republicans have mischaractarized the public option is a “government takeover” of health care. In this morning’s Wall Street Journal, Karl Rove argued that “if Mr. Obama signs into law a ‘public option,’ government-run insurance program as part of health-care reform we won’t be able to undo the damage.”

Rove’s rhetoric echoes the poll-tested talking points of Frank Luntz and other conservatives determined to protect the private insurer’s monopoly over coverage and deny Americans choice. The Wonk Room has compiled a fact-check of common public plan myths:

MYTH 1: A public option is unnecessary: “It’s unnecessary. Advocates say a government-run insurance program is needed to provide competition for private health insurance. But 1,300 companies sell health insurance plans. That’s competition enough.” [WSJ, 6/11/2009]

TRUTH: Insurer and hospital markets are dominated by large insurers and provider systems. Private insurers rarely negotiate with dominant hospital systems and typically pass on the higher costs to beneficiaries in the form of higher premiums. Already, “1 in 6 metropolitan areas in a 2008 study of more than 300 U.S. markets is dominated by a single health insurer that controls at least 70% of consumers enrolled in health maintenance organizations or preferred provider organizations.” Such consolidation negates any real competition. Without it, insurers don’t negotiate prices and boost their profits. In fact, “there have been over 400 health care mergers in the last 10 years,” and premiums have risen “nearly eight times faster than average U.S. incomes.” A public plan could, in an environment of head-to-head competition, push private insurance companies to negotiate more aggressively with providers and dramatically lower health care spending.” [Urban Institute, 10/03/2008; LA Times, 4/09/2009]

Read the full list or download a PDF version.

Health

Fact-Checking Karl Rove’s Attacks Against The Public Option

rovebanner

Today, Karl Rove penned an editorial in the Wall Street Journal attacking the public health care option. Rove’s ‘myths’ echo the poll-tested talking points of Frank Luntz and other conservatives determined to protect the private insurer’s monopoly over coverage and deny Americans choice. Below is a fact-check of Rove’s assertions. [Download a PDF version.]

Myth 1: A public option is unnecessary.
Myth 2: Private competition in Medicare Part D has reduced costs.
Myth 3: A public plan would shift costs to Americans with private insurance.
Myth 4: A public plan will lead to a welfare state.
Myth 5: The public option is too expensive.
Myth 6: Americans will be forced into a public option.
Myth 7: The public option would put a bureaucrat between you and your doctor.

MYTH 1: A public option is unnecessary: “It’s unnecessary. Advocates say a government-run insurance program is needed to provide competition for private health insurance. But 1,300 companies sell health insurance plans. That’s competition enough.” [WSJ, 6/11/2009]

TRUTH: Insurer and hospital markets are dominated by large insurers and provider systems. Private insurers rarely negotiate with dominant hospital systems and typically pass on the higher costs to beneficiaries in the form of higher premiums. Already, “1 in 6 metropolitan areas in a 2008 study of more than 300 U.S. markets is dominated by a single health insurer that controls at least 70% of consumers enrolled in health maintenance organizations or preferred provider organizations.” Such consolidation negates any real competition. Without it, insurers don’t negotiate prices and boost their profits. In fact, “there have been over 400 health care mergers in the last 10 years,” and premiums have risen “nearly eight times faster than average U.S. incomes.” A public plan could, in an environment of head-to-head competition, push private insurance companies to negotiate more aggressively with providers and dramatically lower health care spending.” [Urban Institute, 10/03/2008; LA Times, 4/09/2009]

MYTH 2: Private competition in Medicare Part D has reduced costs: “The results of robust private competition to provide the Medicare drug benefit underscore [the ability of private competition to lower prices]. When it was approved, the Congressional Budget Office estimated it would cost $74 billion a year by 2008. Nearly 100 providers deliver the drug benefit, competing on better benefits, more choices, and lower prices. So the actual cost was $44 billion in 2008 — nearly 41% less than predicted. No government plan was needed to guarantee competition’s benefits.” [WSJ, 6/11/2009]

TRUTH: Medicare Part D beneficiaries have experienced significant cost increases. According to a recent analysis by the Kaiser Family Foundation shows “significant increases in premiums, costsharing amounts, use of specialty tiers, and utilization management restrictions since 2008 that could have important implications for beneficiaries’ access to needed medications and out-of-pocket expenses.” [KFF, 6/2009]

MYTH 3: A public plan would shift costs to Americans with private insurance: “Second, a public option will undercut private insurers and pass the tab to taxpayers and health providers just as it does in existing government-run programs. For example, Medicare pays hospitals 71% and doctors 81% of what private insurers pay.” [WSJ, 6/11/2009]

TRUTH: Private insurer payments promote medical inefficiency. A new public option will change the way the health care reimbursement system so that we pay for value, not volume and reward efficient providers. According to MedPAC, Medicare rates are adequate and consistent with the efficient delivery of services. In fact, over-payments by private insurers to health-care providers drives up overall costs. “Hospitals which didn’t rely on high payment rates from private insurers ‘are able, in fact, to control their costs and reduce their costs when they need to’ and ‘combine low costs with quality.’” [WSJ, 3/17/2009]

MYTH 4: A public plan will lead to a welfare state:“If Democrats enact a public-option health-insurance program, America is on the way to becoming a European-style welfare state.” [WSJ, 6/11/2009]

TRUTH: Americans will choose a public health insurance plan from a menu of different options. The private insurance market isn’t going anywhere. Private insurers will play an important role in providing more integrated coverage options than the public plan and would retain a “brand advantage” (in the same way that a lot of people rather have the branded drug than the generic) for consumers. Private insurers who “offer a superior product through high levels of efficiency, satisfaction in consumer preferences and ease of access to quality medical services” will thrive in a reformed market. [Urban Institute, 10/03/2008]

MYTH 5: The public option is too expensive: “Fourth, the public option is far too expensive. The cost of Medicare — the purest form of a government-run “public choice” for seniors — will start exceeding its payroll-tax “trust fund” in 2017. The Obama administration estimates its health reforms will cost as much as $1.5 trillion over the next 10 years. It is no coincidence the Obama budget nearly triples the national debt over that same period.” [WSJ, 6/11/2009]

TRUTH: A public option will lower family premiums. If a public plan is “far too expensive” and has higher premiums, then Americans will not enroll. But if a public plan offers lower premiums, it will motivate private insurers to lower their costs. As a result, health care costs would decrease across the board.

MYTH 6: Americans will be forced into a public option: “Government-run health insurance would crater the private insurance market, forcing most Americans onto the government plan.” [WSJ, 6/11/2009]

TRUTH: The government would not force Americans to purchase coverage from the public plan, but Rove would force everyone under 65 to enroll with a private insurer. Rove is essentially arguing that the public plan would work too well. It would use its inherent efficiencies to lower family premiums and force private insurers to aggressively negotiate on behalf of their beneficiaries.

MYTH 7: The public option would put a bureaucrat between you and your doctor: “The public option puts government firmly in the middle of the relationship between patients and their doctors.” [WSJ, 6/11/2009]

TRUTH: A public option improves the doctor-patient relationship. Existing reform legislation explicitly preserves the doctor-patient relationship. As a draft of the HELP bill notes, “a strong doctor-patient relationship is essential to the practice of medicine, and patents have a right to an effective doctor patient relationships…Doctors, nurses, and other health professional have the right to judge what is best for their patients.” Moreover, the public plan’s payment innovations would reward doctors for providing quality care and spending more time listening to their patients. [HELP Legislation, 6/09/2009]

Climate Progress

Hydrogen fuel cell cars are a dead end from a technological, practical, and climate perspective — Chu & Obama are right to kill the program, Part 1

Using fuel cell vehicles and hydrogen from zero-carbon sources such as renewable power or nuclear energy has a cost of avoided carbon dioxide of more than $600 a metric ton, which is more than a factor of ten higher than most other strategies being considered today….

So I wrote in a 2005 journal article, “The car and fuel of the future,” which was the “hottest article” in Energy Policy from July 2006 through March 2007 (and still #8 as recently as September 2008).

So after the Bush administration squandered some $2 billion on hydrogen fuel cell vehicles, it was welcome news that our Nobel-prize-winning Energy Secretary Steven Chu submitted a budget that sharply scaled back the hydrogen fuel cell program and shifted it away from a focus on transportation (see “Hydrogen car R.I.P. Secretary Chu agrees with Climate Progress and slashes hydrogen budget“).

Now some hydrogen advocates — and even some environmental groups! — are trying to restore the money, which is much more urgently needed helping to develop and deploy clean technologies that could save energy and reduce pollution in the near-and medium-term.  I’ll blog on that effort later.

First, however, I wanted to once and for all lay out the case against hydrogen as a transport fuel, starting with an excerpt of almost my entire Energy Policy piece.   I think it is worthwhile reading for anyone interested in understanding the challenges facing alternative fuels.

Abstract

This paper is based on a review of the technical literature on alternative fuel vehicles (AFVs) and discussions with experts in vehicle technology and energy analysis. It is derived from analysis provided to the bipartisan National Commission on Energy Policy.

The urgent need to reverse the business-as-usual growth path in global warming pollution in the next two decades to avoid serious if not catastrophic climate change necessitates action to make our vehicles far less polluting.

In the near-term, by far the most cost-effective strategy for reducing emissions and fuel use is efficiency. The car of the near future is the hybrid gasoline-electric vehicle, because it can reduce gasoline consumption and greenhouse gas emissions 30 to 50% with no change in vehicle class and hence no loss of jobs or compromise on safety or performance.  It will likely become the dominant vehicle platform by the year 2020.

Ultimately, we will need to replace gasoline with a zero-carbon fuel. All AFV pathways require technology advances and strong government action to succeed. Hydrogen is the most challenging of all alternative fuels, particularly because of the enormous effort needed to change our existing gasoline infrastructure.

The most promising AFV pathway is a hybrid that can be connected to the electric grid. These so-called plug-in hybrids will likely travel three to four times as far on a kilowatt-hour of renewable electricity as fuel cell vehicles…. Read more

Economy

National Association Of Manufacturers: Healthy Families Act Makes It Difficult ‘To Preserve And Create Jobs’

namlogoToday, the Workforce Protections Subcommittee of the House Education and Labor Committee held a hearing on the Healthy Families Act (HFA), a bill introduced by Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-CT) that would guarantee all Americans seven days of paid sick leave. Preempting the hearing, the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) launched a broadside, claiming that the legislation will surely cause America to lose jobs:

The National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) – the nation’s largest industrial trade association representing manufacturers of all sizes and industries – opposes “one-size-fits-all” mandates on employers that increase the cost of doing business in the United States…The HFA legislation would impose an inflexible government mandate on employers, making it more difficult for manufacturers to preserve and create jobs in these difficult economic times.

This sounds exactly like the claims made by the National Small Business Association (NSBA), which said that the HFA “would hinder an entrepreneur’s ability to create jobs.” “Small businesses are in need of a helping hand in creating jobs and increasing productivity — not burdensome government mandates that impose additional costs, stifle job growth and harm employees,” claimed the NSBA. Sen. Mike Enzi (R-WY) also picked up on it, saying that “every time Washington pushes an unfunded mandate onto the backs of small businesses, operating costs increase and hinder the economy’s ability to grow [and] create jobs.”

Sounds pretty terrible, doesn’t it? Except, according to a report out today from the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR), none of it is true. CEPR actually found that paid sick leave has almost no effect on a country’s employment situation:

The experience of the 22 countries with the highest level of social and economic development (as measured by the Human Development Index) suggests that there is no significant relationship between national unemployment rates and legally-mandated access to paid sick days and leave.

Considering that today, the World Health Organization officially labeled swine flu a pandemic, because it’s “now undergoing communitywide transmission in Australia as well as in North America,” this issue becomes even more important. I pointed out when swine flu first broke that the Center for Disease Control was recommending that sick workers stay home, and yet nearly 50 percent of private sector workers and 76 percent of low-income workers have no paid sick leave.

The U.S. is all alone in the developed world in not mandating paid sick leave, even though sick workers attending work and infecting other employees costs the U.S. economy $180 billion annually. You’d think organizations like NAM and NSBA would want to prevent that sort of unnecessary economic loss.

Politics

Dobson And Disgraced WH Staffer Pay Bush Tribute: He Was ‘The Instrument In God’s Hand’ That Kept Us Safe

This week, James Dobson has been using his Focus on the Family Daily Broadcast to air his 1 1/2-hour interview with Tim Goeglein, a former special assistant to President Bush. The interview — billed as an “Insider’s View of the Bush Presidency” — has actually been a 1 1/2-hour love fest to the former president. Some highlights of Goeglien’s thoughts:

– “George W. Bush kept us safe. Providence kept us safe. But George Bush was the instrument in God’s hand as the leader of the free world.”

– “Of course, this was the great blessing of our first president, George Washington — the original George W. … The greatest trait of Washington was to see things as they were and not as he wanted to see them. That was George W. Bush’s gift when it came to this war. He immediately upon being told of the attacks knew that this was war and that we were being attacked existentially by radical Islam.”

– “I am actually very confident and hopeful, that in the years ahead with the benefit of time and space, that historians will look back at those remarkable and incredibly eventful eight years and say, ‘You know, he made the right decisions about the biggest things during those eight years.’

Dobson also gave Obama a back-handed compliment, saying that unlike Bush, he can “read without sounding like he’s reading.” “That is a real skill,” added Dobson. “I mean, that’s something not very many people can do. In fact, I think President Obama is in the White House today because of that ability to read off a teleprompter.” Listen to excerpts here:

At the end of the interview, Dobson asks Goeglein whether he’s saying all these nice things about Bush simply because he gets “starstruck” by politicians. Goeglein assures him that all his observations and emotions are genuine.

Right Wing Watch also notes that Goeglein resigned from the White House in disgrace in 2008, after admitting that he had extensively plagiarized in the occasional guest columns he wrote for his hometown newspaper. While in the White House, Goeglein was “the eyes and ears of the White House in the world of religious conservatives and an emissary to that world for Mr. Rove and the president.”

Culture

Did the Knicks Ruin Basketball?

patrick

John Hollinger decided to put together a fake-quantitative method of analyzing the quality of different NBA franchises across the course of their existence. You get one point for each regular season win, two points for each playoff win, four points for each playoff series win, thirty points for each championship, a one hundred point penalty for changing cities, and also an adjustment of +/- 50-100 points for “intangibles.” So, for example, the Knicks get docked a 100 point intangibles penalty for playing good defense in the 1990s:

Those teams in the ’90s were the most successful since the ’73 champs, but not aesthetically. The Knicks employed a physical, bruising style that gave them one of the best defenses of all time but also produced an undeniable decrease in the game’s watchability as other teams began to emulate their muddying tactics. It took a decade to clean up the game in their wake.

I know people love to hate the Ewing-era Knicks, but I think it’s hard to argue that basketball was “unwatchable” during that period. Both the Spurs-Knicks Finals in 2001 and the Rockets-Knicks Finals in 1995 rated better than any of the past seven NBA Finals. In fact the 1990s were the peak of the league’s popularity. Obviously, that’s more because of Michael Jordan than because of Charles Oakley. But by the same token, the thing it took the league 10 years to recover from was Jordan retiring after the second three-peat, not the Knicks’ physical defense. Nor does it make a ton of sense to somehow hold the Knicks single-handedly responsible for the slow pace of the game in the Jordan era. All six of His Airness’ championship teams played at a below-average pace even in the slowest decade in the history of the game.

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