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CIS Event Exploits ‘Mind Boggling’ Health Care Reform To Promote Reduced Immigration

Today, the Center for Immigration Studies (CIS) — known as the “nativist lobby’s supposedly ‘independent’ think tank” — held a panel on immigration’s impact on health care reform. As usual, the group which has been regularly characterized as having “never found any aspect of immigration it likes,” used the current health care debate as an opportunity to argue that immigration is bad for America.

According to CIS, immigrants account for 27.1% of the uninsured and 64% of undocumented immigrants were uninsured in 2006. However, it’s puzzling that CIS can reach any conclusion about the undocumented population when its analysis is supposedly based on data from the Current Population Survey (CPS), which doesn’t ask questions about its respondents’ immigration status. They also don’t mention that the majority of uninsured people — 78% — are US citizens. All of this data is weakly tied to the point that most of these immigrants will be covered by health care legislation and that will pave the way for rabid reform that gives undocumented immigrants access to all government benefits. Panelist Robert Rector of the Heritage Foundation explains:

We have a complete open door for every illegal immigrant current and in the future to simply enroll and receive benefits under this program. We will not only not check them at the door, we will not check them once they begin to receive the benefits. If you’re going to do that with respect to health care, why would you not also establish the same precedent with respect to food stamps, public housing, earned income taxed credit and so forth. And I believe that that is in fact the direction that Congress wants to go to to allow all welfare benefits to be fully available to all illegal immigrants...we will begin to draw the seriously ill from all over the world to begin to come here to receive free medical treatment…it is an absolutely mind boggling precedent.”

Both the Senate and House proposed health care bills explicitly state that undocumented immigrants will not be eligible for any federal health care insurance, but Rector is all worked up because there aren’t any harsh immigration enforcement mechanisms built into the bill. There’s actually a good reason for that. An article in the Hoefstra Law Review points out that when Colorado passed a series of controversial measures requiring applicants for most state benefits to prove their immigration status, the effect on US citizens was devastating. It cost the state $2 million in its first year alone and, despite having promised to eliminate 50,000 undocumented immigrants from the state’s public benefit rolls, as of October 2008 state officials could not identify how many, if any, undocumented immigrants were being denied public services. Another study by the Government Accountability Office found that documentation requirements used to prove medicaid eligibility caused thousands of eligible U.S. citizens to lose Medicaid coverage without saving taxpayers any money: for every $100 spent by taxpayers to implement documentation requirements in six states, only 14 cents were saved.

It is however true that the US needs to do something about its broken immigration system — which brings CIS to it’s main point and motivation for talking about health care in the first place. CIS Research Director Steven Camarota explains:

“If we want to reduce the uninsured population and avoid large costs for taxpayers in the health care system we need to enforce immigration laws and reduce illegal immigrants. And on legal immigration, moving forward in the future, we would need to allow in many fewer immigrants who have little education.”

Watch it:

CIS and Rector aren’t likely to admit it, but the Congressional Budget Office estimates that, had the US legalized undocumented immigrants under the 2007 immigration bill, it would have generated $48 billion in new revenue from administrative fees and income and payroll taxes alone.

Politics

DeLay Unsure Whether Obama Was Born In The U.S.: I Want To See His ‘Gift Certificate’

MSNBC host Chris Matthews brought on his good friend Tom DeLay today to talk about his training for “Dancing with the Stars.” After a few minutes of chit chat, Matthews asked DeLay about the far right and its conspiracy theories, including whether President Obama is proposing “Hitlerian health care.” Matthews asked, “So you want to get rid of what’s known as Medicare today…[and] replace it with private sector health care?” “Amen brother,” replied DeLay, not realizing that Matthews was asking him a question, not making a statement.

Matthews then asked DeLay whether he is a birther. The former House Majority Leader mistakenly said that he would like to see the President’s “gift certificate” and asked Matthews to personally ask Obama for it. He also compared Obama to “illegal aliens”:

DELAY: Well, I’d like the President to produce his birth certificate. I can. Most illegal aliens here in America can. Why can’t the President of the United States produce their birth certificate? [...]

Chris, will you do me a favor? Will you ask the President to show me his gift certificate — I mean, his — gift certificate — his birth certificate?

MATTHEWS: No, I’m not going to ask him.

DELAY: Oh, c’mon, please!

When Matthews asked DeLay whether anyone has asked him for proof of his birthplace, DeLay responded, “The Democrats sued me for being a resident of Texas. That’s just like asking me for my birth certificate.” “No, it’s not,” responded Matthews. Watch it:

Even while out of office, DeLay has continued to push right-wing conspiracy theories, including that Obama is a “Marxist.”

Transcript: Read more

Yglesias

Endgame

Don’t hold on, go get strong:

— Don’t listen to me on the public plan, listen to Paul Starr; he won a pulitzer prize for his health care work.

— Afghan elections won’t solve anything though I think that analysis downplays the extent to which an Abdullah Abdullah win would make everything much worse.

— Singapore’s health care system is beloved by wonks of many stripes but in the real world it seems to take a dictatorship to impose such a plan.

— Wall Street Journal conjures up $5 trillion in new debt through bad accounting.

— Stimulus spending data now available in terrifying detail.

Today I discovered that I have five different copies of the Yeah Yeah Yeahs’ “Modern Romance”.

Economy

Feldstein: If Your Insurance Company Won’t Pay For Something, You Can Just Buy A New Policy

Today, Harvard economist and former Reagan Council of Economic Advisers Chairman Martin Feldstein appeared on CNBC to discuss his fear that the health care reforms being debated by Congress will lead to government rationing of care. But during the segment, he displayed a stunningly limited knowledge of how health insurance actually works, implying that insurance companies rarely cut people off when they get sick, and when they do, it’s easy to simply go somewhere else and buy a new policy:

[Insurance companies] turn down very, very few things, and again it is not the government doing it. So if my insurance company doesn’t allow certain drugs or doesn’t allow certain kinds of treatments, I can choose a different kind of policy. And the idea as I see it in the Obama proposal is to force us all into a certain kind of spending pattern because the government is concerned, the administration is concerned, with how much the government is spending.

Watch it:

CNBC’s Mark Haines (who makes a lot of sense when he is not discussing Wall Street bonuses) replied, “Oh please. First of all, the private insurance companies are a bureaucracy, so this bureaucrat argument is nonsense. And second, you’ll pardon me sir, your argument is a very easy one to make by someone who has money.” Indeed, Feldstein seems to think that buying health insurance is the same as buying apples. If one rots, it’s a cinch to go out a find a better one somewhere else. But the insurance market doesn’t work like that.

For one thing, even people with employer-based health insurance are limited in their options, and if the plans that their employer provides don’t have the coverage they want, they have to go into the individual market, where nearly nine out of every ten people seeking coverage never get it.

Second, the insurance market is riddled with monopolies that limit the sort of mobility Feldstein espouses. According to the American Medical Association, “94 percent of insurance markets in the United States are now highly concentrated, and insurers are thriving in the anti-competitive marketplace.” And even assuming that there is competition, as the New York Times’ Gina Kolata pointed out today, buying individual insurance is often like ordering off a menu that “has no prices and you have no idea what you will be required to pay until a few weeks later when the bill arrives in the mail.”

So does Feldstein really think that people whose insurance company has turned down a treatment can take their now pre-existing conditions and go find coverage elsewhere? Or does he just expect everyone to pay huge out-of-pocket prices for things that the insurance companies refuse to fund? He may have the luxury of paying (or he may be covered by Medicare, since he is 69 years old), but that is not the situation that many Americans find themselves in.

Politics

McCain moves further and further away from ‘maverick’ identity.

Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) During the presidential campaign and throughout his political career, Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) was regularly described in the media as a “maverick” — despite the fact that he was “a reliable conservative, and if not a perfectly loyal Republican, at least a reasonably loyal one.” Now, CQ reports that according to his 2009 voting record, McCain is clearly a “maverick no more”:

In fact, McCain is siding with his party this year on closely divided votes with greater frequency than at any other period in his 23-year Senate career, according to a CQ analysis of Senate votes.

On votes that pitted most Democrats against most Republicans, McCain has sided with the consensus GOP position 95.4 percent of the time, a CQ-defined “party unity” score that would be the highest of his Senate career if it holds up for the remainder of the year. He had a 95.2 percent party unity score in 1996, when Republicans held the Senate majority at the end of President Bill Clinton’s first term.

McCain’s year-to-date 2009 party unity score is the 14th highest among the 40 Republican senators. It’s even higher than that of the Senate’s top two Republicans, Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky (94.0 percent) and Minority Whip Jon Kyl , also of Arizona (94.5 percent).

Days after the President Obama’s inauguration, the Washington Post published an article declaring, the “Senate Gets Reacquainted With McCain the Maverick.” Apparently, they spoke too soon.

Health

Bachmann: Health Care Reform Is Unconstitutional

Speaking on Fox News last night, right-wing Congresswoman Michele Bachmann (R-MN) claimed that health care reform is unconstitutional:

It is not within our power as members of Congress, it’s not within the enumerated powers of the Constitution, for us to design and create a national takeover of health care. Nor is it within our ability to be able to delegate that responsibility to the executive.

Watch it:

Bachmann, however, is wrong about both the contents of the health care plan and the requirements of the Constitution. There is nothing in any of the health care bills under consideration which resembles a “national takeover of health care.” Conservatives like to use this language when referring to the public health option. Like other insurers, the public option would collect premiums from people who choose to buy into it, and then spend those premiums to insure these participants.

Had Bachmann bothered to read Article I of the Constitution before going on Fox, she would have learned that Congress has the power to “lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises” and to “provide for….the general welfare of the United States.” Rather than itemizing specific subject matters, such as health care, which Congress is allowed to spend money on, the framers chose instead to give Congress a broad mandate to spend money in ways that promote the “general welfare.”

It’s unclear what the basis is for Bachmann’s claim that the public option is an unconstitutional delegation of power to the Executive. There is a 74 year-old decision — decided by the same right-wing Supreme Court which believed most of the New Deal to be unconstitutional — which holds that Congress could not simply grant President Roosevelt nearly limitless authority to do whatever he wanted in order to prevent “unfair competition.” But no one has proposed giving President Obama similarly unchecked authority over health care. Rather, pages 116-128 of the House bill that Bachmann will vote on provide extremely detailed instructions explaining how the Executive Branch must manage a public health plan.

It’s important to note just how radical Bachmann’s theory of the Constitution is. If Congress does not have the power to create a modest public option which competes with private health plans in the marketplace, then it certainly does not have the authority to create Medicare. Similarly, Congress’ power to spend money to benefit the general welfare is the basis for Social Security, federal education funding, Medicaid, and veterans benefits such as the VA health system and the GI Bill. All of these programs would cease to exist in Michele Bachmann’s America.

Cross-posted on ThinkProgress.

Yglesias

Painful Compromises in Afghanistan

150px-burqa_afghanistan_01

Ann Friedman writes about the questionable legitimacy of the Afghan elections for that country’s women:

President Hamid Karzai recently signed a law that severely restricts women’s rights. Among many other appalling provisions, it prevents Shia women from casting a vote without their husband’s permission. [...] We’ve got a feminist Secretary of State who has professed her commitment to keeping women’s rights central to her agenda. And yet, Brooks points out, the U.S. and British governments decided not to raise a political uproar about the latest restrictions on women’s rights “out of fear of disrupting the election.” But if women’s voting rights are restricted, the election is already disrupted and illegitimate.

Meanwhile, in order to bolster his re-election prospects Hamid Karzai has called Uzbek warlord Rashid Dostum back in from exile. Dostum, as sort of befits a longtime agent of the brutal Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, has progressive-for-Afghanistan ideas about women’s rights. But he also enjoys the occasional brutal massacre of captives. Which is just to say that when it comes to Afghan power brokers, there’s something of a “pick your poison” quality. Insofar as the United States wants to try to stitch together a united Afghan state, that’s basically going to involve trying to pick all the poisons simultaneously—Dostum on the one hand, and Taliban-style social values on the other. Alternatively, we could stay away from the poison altogether and do our best to wash our hands of the whole thing.

Politics

Why The Public Health Insurance Option Is Worth Fighting For

Our guest blogger is Gov. Howard Dean, former chairman of the DNC and the author of Howard Dean’s Prescription For Real Health Care Reform.

deanIn today’s Washington Post, Steven Pearlstein argues that Democrats should just give up on the public option. “Enough already with the public option!,” he writes. Steven thinks we should drop one of the most popular and effective aspects of health care reform simply because the fight is too politically difficult in Congress. I think such an approach would ruin health care reform and devastate the Democratic party.

Steven is confusing health insurance reform with health care reform. If we only get reform that requires insurance companies to provide coverage to everyone who applies, charge everyone the same premiums, and end their discriminatory practices, that would be great insurance reform, but it’s not, as Steven writes, health care reform.

Real health care reform that includes a new public health insurance option would give Americans a real choice and not reward for-profit health insurers with 47 milllion new customers. Real health care reform that includes a new public health insurance option would cut out the administrative waste of private insurers and begin changing the way health care is delivered. Real health care reform that includes a new public health insurance option could adopt the kind of payment reforms that would start to “hold down long-term growth in health spending” and encourage providers to deliver care more efficiently. We know that premiums in the public option would be about 10 percent lower and that a real robust plan that piggy backs off of Medicare’s infrastructure could save us somewhere between $75 billion and $150 billion over 10 years.

Just because the public health insurance option is “new,” moreover, does not mean it’s not worth fighting for. Steven points out that I did not propose a robust public option in 2004 election. The measure of good politics and policy is the ability to accept and identify new ideas. My 2004 plan may not have included a new stand-alone program, but it did allow Americans over 55 to enroll in Medicare and everyone under 25 would have been eligible for Medicaid.

I believed that government could help expand coverage and control costs then, and the overwhelming majority of Americans believe it today. If the August recess has taught us one thing, it’s that Republicans have ended all serious conversations about reform and will oppose reform whether it includes a public option or not. They want to make the choice for the American people instead of letting Americans have their own choice of coverage. And if Democrats follow their lead, they will have to face the voters’ choice come November.

Health

Why The Public Health Insurance Option Is Worth Fighting For

Our guest blogger is Gov. Howard Dean, former chairman of the DNC and the author of Howard Dean’s Prescription For Real Health Care Reform.

deanIn today’s Washington Post, Steven Pearlstein argues that Democrats should just give up on the public option. “Enough already with the public option!,” he writes. Steven thinks we should drop one of the most popular and effective aspects of health care reform simply because the fight is too politically difficult in Congress. I think such an approach would ruin health care reform and devastate the Democratic party.

Steven is confusing health insurance reform with health care reform. If we only get reform that requires insurance companies to provide coverage to everyone who applies, charge everyone the same premiums, and end their discriminatory practices, that would be great insurance reform, but it’s not, as Steven writes, health care reform.

Real health care reform that includes a new public health insurance option would give Americans a real choice and not reward for-profit health insurers with 47 milllion new customers. Real health care reform that includes a new public health insurance option would cut out the administrative waste of private insurers and begin changing the way health care is delivered. Real health care reform that includes a new public health insurance option could adopt the kind of payment reforms that would start to “hold down long-term growth in health spending” and encourage providers to deliver care more efficiently. We know that premiums in the public option would be about 10 percent lower and that a real robust plan that piggy backs off of Medicare’s infrastructure could save us somewhere between $75 billion and $150 billion over 10 years.

Just because the public health insurance option is “new,” moreover, does not mean it’s not worth fighting for. Steven points out that I did not propose a robust public option in 2004 election. The measure of good politics and policy is the ability to accept and identify new ideas. My 2004 plan may not have included a new stand-alone program, but it did allow Americans 55 to 65 to enroll in Medicare and everyone under 25 would have been eligible for Medicaid.

I believed that government could help expand coverage and control costs then and the overwhelming majority of Americans believe it today. If the August recess has taught us one thing, it’s that Republicans have ended all serious conversations about reform and will oppose reform whether it includes a public option or not. They want to make the choice for the American people instead of letting Americans have their own choice of coverage. And if Democrats follow their lead, they will have to face the voters’ choice come November.

Yglesias

The Other “Other”

200px-district_nine_ver2

I didn’t want to make too much out of District 9‘s political message since “racism is bad” is really not the most challenging theme in the world, but David Sirota’s appreciation of the film did get me thinking about one thing that I thought was nicely done:

Even more important than the visuals, though, is the plot. By setting the movie in South Africa, the refugee camp/anti-alien racism is a powerful allegory about the universality of oppression. One of the film’s most powerful messages (and there are a number of messages in this movie) is that even groups that have been oppressed can themselves turn into oppressors. In the movie, South Africa’s black population is just as anti-alien as its white population. In real life, we have plenty of examples of the same kind of thing. As just one of many examples, in Israel, some (but certainly not all or most) Jews – despite their own history experiencing oppression – express extremely racist views about Arabs.

Something that I noticed watching the movie was that District 9‘s version of South Africa seemed pretty free of racial tensions. There was a tendency, as in real-world South Africa, for whites to disproportionately occupy high-status social and economic roles. But class dynamics weren’t explicitly racialized, and nobody said anything related to black-white (or, for that matter, anglophone-afrikaaner) tensions. Instead, the introduction of Prawns and, to a lesser extent, Nigerians into the dynamic apparently helped build a greater sense of human and South African solidarity. That kind of thing isn’t the prettiest element of human nature, but it rings pretty true—broadening the circle of tolerance often entails identifying a new “other” against which the new, broader “we” can be defined.

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