Today, CNN obtained a memo from Conservatives for Patients’ Rights (CPR) sent to tea party organizations and conservative think tanks urging a coordinated approach to attacking health reform. The memo argues that a synchronized messaging strategy will help “to deliver a decisive ‘knock out’ punch” to health care legislation. CPR was started this year by health clinic and hospital executive Rick Scott, who helps to self-fund advertisements dishonestly smearing health reform. Although Scott has focused his attention on killing the public option, he has never acknowledged working directly with the health insurance industry.

However, yesterday CPR filed its third quarter lobbying disclosures with the U.S. Senate, revealing that the Swift-Boat style attack group has contracted veteran health insurance lobbyist Brian McManus. McManus, while at the same time advising CPR, is currently the Director of Federal Affairs at the Council for Affordable Health Insurance (CAHI), a private health insurance trade group advocating Health Savings Accounts. So while CPR has paid McManus at least $60,000, he continues to also collect an income from a private insurer-backed group.

CPR’s call to target an anti-reform message comes on the heel of news that Senate Republicans plan to kill reform by delaying a vote for as long as possible. A Roll Call article today explains that the GOP plan is to “delay, define and derail” health reform:

Senate Republicans, acknowledging they lack the votes to block a health care reform bill outright, have implemented a comprehensive political strategy to delay, define and derail. [...] The Republicans also plan to use the time between now and a final floor vote to deliver a narrowly focused message via a series of floor speeches, press conferences and media appearances. And even though GOP Members will discuss their counterproposals for health care reform, criticism of the Democratic bill will be the priority.

Despite the “hatchet job” report last week distorting the Finance Committee bill, the health insurance industry has tried to pretend it still supports reform. However, with the revelation that industry operative McManus is working with CPR, it appears the overall strategy for the insurers is to have Republicans slow down debate so that attack groups will have more time to air ads undermining reform.

McManus has a history of coordinating efforts among right-wing outside groups with lobbyists inside DC to advance legislation favorable to the private health insurance industry. After serving as the Vice President of Golden Rule, a subsidiary of health insurer giant UnitedHealth, McManus founded the “Health Care Freedom Coalition,” a network of astroturf front groups and think tanks. The Coalition works in tandem with organizations like FreedomWorks to promote a deregulation approach to health reform that would hurt consumer protections while adding to insurer profits.

ThinkProgress has documented how insurers have long used a “two-faced” campaign to, on the one hand present themselves to the public as committed to producing change, while at the same time orchestrating front-group based attacks on reform.

There was some good news on the regulatory reform front today, as Rep. Melissa Bean (D-IL) has agreed to drop an amendment to the House Financial Services Committee’s reform legislation that would have prevented state governments from enforcing regulations that go further than those set by the federal government:

In a piece of political theater, Bean now plans to introduce the amendment and then to withdraw it, according to people familiar with the matter. She then plans to engage in a scripted conversation with [Committee Chairman Barney] Frank, in which both are to affirm the importance of further discussions about the issue. Bean can then reintroduce the amendment once the bill comes before the full House, but lobbyists on both sides say they regard the battle as over.

But is anything really “over” when it has yet to come before the Senate? Indeed, while the bill without federal preemption for national banks is “likely to pass the House,” the Washington Post reported that “it faces an uncertain future in the Senate, where financial lobbyists regard some moderate Democrats as more sympathetic to their concerns.”

There is also a second preemption amendment that is alive and well in the Financial Services committee, which would allow federal preemption “when a state law has a ‘discriminatory effect’ on national banks.” The amendment would also “allow the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC) to determine if a state law prevents or interferes with a national bank’s business.”

This is a terrible idea, as the OCC has repeatedly issued specific exemptions for national banks. In 1999, the OCC “said national banks did not need to comply with a California law limiting the fees banks could charge for ATM withdrawals.” And then, in 2000, “it lifted a Rhode Island law limiting changes in the interest rates on credit cards.” Finally, in 2002, the OCC “overrode a Texas law that barred banks from charging check-cashing fees.” Meanwhile, the current OCC head, John Dugan, has a very dim view of states that want to rein in national banks, saying that “we have a system that works fine in terms of examination and enforcement of consumer protection.”

And while Bean has shelved her amendment for the time being, I wouldn’t be as quick as the Post to declare that the big banks are “losing power on Capitol Hill.” After all, mortgage cram-downs — which the banks bitterly opposed — passed the House, only to be ultimately defeated by a furious lobbying campaign in the Senate. Bean backing down is a good thing, but it’s by no means the end of the preemption debate.

This morning, activists from the Yes Men troupe claiming to represent the U.S. Chamber of Commerce announced the organization was reversing its years of opposition to any climate bill before Congress, saying in jest that the “Kerry-Boxer Bill is a good start to a strong climate bill.” CNBC and the Fox Business Network cited the many companies who have quit the Chamber as a reason for the fictional about-face.

The Chamber of Commerce quickly tried to quash the reports that it had reversed its “Scopes monkey trial” stance. Chamber of Commerce official Eric Wohlschlegel broke into the press conference held by the Yes Men at the National Press Club, shouting, “This guy is a fake!” After a “mild shoving match at the podium,” Wohlschegel told reporters, “It is a very sad day.” U.S. Chamber of Commerce official Thomas J. Collamore decried “public relations hoaxes” and called for “law enforcement authorities to investigate this event”:

Public relations hoaxes undermine the genuine effort to find solutions on the challenge of climate change. These irresponsible tactics are a foolish distraction from the serious effort by our nation to reduce greenhouse gases.

Of course, it is the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and other right-wing corporate groups that have been spending hundreds of millions of dollars supporting “public relations hoaxes” to “undermine the genuine effort to find solutions on the challenge of climate change.” As PG&E Chairman and CEO Peter Darbee explained his company’s departure from the Chamber, “extreme rhetoric and obstructionist tactics seem to increasingly mark the Chamber’s stance on this issue.”

It’s doubtful that the Chamber — chaired by race-baiters and corrupt global warming deniers — will now be decrying clean coal carols, climate skeptics, fearmongering, and broken economic analyses as it spends over $100 million a year to lobby Congress.