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Economy

REPORT: From 2005-2010, Big Oil Spent Vast Majority Of Its Net Profit Enriching Executives

This week, the Big Five oil companies announced their first quarter profits, which, with oil well over $100 per barrel, came to more than $30 billion. Exxon alone registered nearly $11 billion in profits, a 69 percent increase over their first quarter profit a year ago. And if history is any example, these profits — gained at the expense of American consumers, from prices that are helping to slow the American economy — are going to go straight towards enriching oil executives.

As a new report from Citizens for Tax Justice shows, Big Oil, between 2005 and 2010, spent the vast majority of its net profits boosting dividends and purchasing its own stock — actions that largely help line CEOs’ pockets:

Among the largest five oil companies, less than 10 percent of after-tax profits went to exploration for new oil fields during the 2005-2009 period. Meanwhile, the percentage of net profits used to pay dividends and buy back stock was 58 percent in 2005, 73 percent in 2006, 72 percent in 2007, 71 percent in 2008 and 89 percent in 2009. These figures are high in comparison to other industries.

For 2010, it makes sense to focus on four of the largest oil companies, leaving out BP because of its disastrous problems during the year. In 2010, these four companies spent 60 percent of their profits on dividends and stock repurchases, and just 18 percent on exploration. In other words, the companies spent 3.3 times as much on dividends and stock buybacks as they did on exploration in 2010.

In 2008, when oil companies were making sky-high profits, they invested very little of that in alternative energy. In fact, “a CAP analysis of their investments reveals that the big five oil companies invested just 4 percent of their total 2008 profits in renewable and alternative energy ventures.” Exxon made $45 billion in profits that year, and will come close to that record if high oil prices persist.

At the same time, the oil companies — along with their Republican allies in Congress — are vigorously opposing yet another attempt by President Obama and Congressional Democrats to cut the almost $4 billion in subsidies that are spent on oil companies each year. “Over the last week as earnings season has approached, the Democratic Party leadership again talked about removing what they call $4 billion in oil industry subsidies,” wrote ExxonMobil’s vice president for public and government affairs Ken Cohen on Exxon’s blog. “The simple truth is that these are legitimate tax provisions to keep U.S. industry internationally competitive — to keep jobs from being exported to other countries.” But as these companies have shown, huge profits just get plowed into more accumulation of wealth for oil CEOs.

Education

Indiana GOP Pledged To Help Low-Income Students, Instead Approved Nation’s Largest Voucher Program

Our guest blogger is Annabel Lee Hogg, Special Assistant to the Domestic Policy Team at the Center for American Progress Action Fund.

On Wednesday the Indiana State legislature voted 55-43 to approve the largest private school voucher program in the nation’s history. The passage of Indiana House Bill 1003 shows that Gov. Mitch Daniels (R-IN) and his Republican-led legislature are more committed to an extreme conservative agenda than actually helping students in high-poverty schools.

Conservatives on the campaign trail sold the public on voucher programs by portraying them as efforts to close the achievement gap and help low income and minority students stuck in low performing schools.

Unfortunately all the talk of helping low income students appears to have been a ploy to get the bill support statewide. For one, there’s little research that shows that vouchers help close the achievement gap. For another, the new legislation falls far short of legislators’ lofty rhetoric.

The Indiana law doesn’t even attempt to focus resources on the lowest income students. Instead, roughly 60 percent of the state’s public school students will qualify for the vouchers, including those from middle-income families. The program will be capped at 7,500 students in the 2011-2012 school year, but after 2013 the vouchers will be limited only by interest and private school space.

Opening up the voucher program to middle income families would provide vouchers to children who are already far more likely to already attend high achieving schools. Indiana House Democrats recognized this and tried unsuccessfully to amend the bill to limit the vouchers to students transferring out of low performing schools. In response, Republicans began backtracking on their earlier promises about why they wanted the program:

“It says nothing about failing or successful schools,” said Indiana House Speaker Brian Bosma, who sponsored the legislation. “It’s about empowering parents with additional choices.”

Indiana’s expansion of vouchers could have far-reaching consequences throughout the country. Still running off the fumes of electoral victories in 2010, conservative legislatures are pushing voucher agendas in statehouses across the country. Much of this pending legislation, such as bills in Pennsylvania and Florida, follow Indiana’s lead by having relatively lax income requirements for the vouchers. Loose income requirements open the door for access to families who may be able to afford tuition on their own.

There are better, more targeted ways of reaching students who attend high-poverty schools through investments in teacher effectiveness and equity, funding equity, and expanded learning time in schools. Recent studies show Indiana still has a long way to go in improving their low performing schools.

In the end, Indiana’s conservative legislators’ claim that voucher programs are a way to help low income and minority students is baldly disingenuous. The state’s move towards implementing a larger voucher programs will take money away from already cash strapped public schools and negatively impact the very populations that Republicans once claimed they were meant to help.

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