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Waxman-Markey Creates $1.5 Trillion In Benefits

Our guest blogger is Daniel J. Weiss, a Senior Fellow and Director of Climate Strategy at the Center for American Progress Action Fund.

Other Side of the CoinA new analysis of clean energy legislation finds that it will produce likely economic benefits of $1.5 trillion. The finding by the New York University School of Law’s Institute for Policy Integrity explains that the Waxman-Markey American Clean Energy and Security Act (H.R. 2454) is “cost‐benefit justified under most reasonable assumptions about the likely ‘social cost of carbon.’” In “The Other Side of the Coin: The Economic Benefits of Climate Legislation,” the Institute for Policy Integrity finds that the “benefits of H.R. 2454 could likely exceed the costs by as much as nine-to-one”:

Using conservative assumptions, the benefits of H.R. 2454 could likely exceed the costs by as much as nine-to-one, or more. The estimated benefits do not include a significant number of ancillary and un‐quantified benefits, such as the reduction of co‐pollutants (particularly sulfur dioxide and nitrogen dioxide), the prevention of species extinction, and lower maintenance costs for energy infrastructure. Due to those limitations, the benefits estimates should be considered to be very conservative.

The cost-benefit analyses of environmental safeguards generally favor the costs since they are relatively easy to measure. The economic benefits, however, of reduced pollution are much harder to calculate. The price of a scrubber to reduce sulfur and particulate pollution from a coal fired power plant is easy to calculate, but it is much harder to account for the value of a protected stream or restored vista.

Even the federal government often projects costs while ignoring benefits of clean energy proposals. For instance, the Congressional Budget Office’s assessment of the American Clean Energy and Security Act notes that its analysis “does not include the economic benefits and other benefits of the reduction in GHG emissions and the associated slowing of climate change.”

The “social cost of carbon” is the “the monetary valuation of incremental damage from each ton of greenhouse gas emissions.” The new IPI analysis employs a recent Department of Energy estimate that the “monetary values of the benefits of carbon dioxide emission reductions, otherwise known as the Social Cost of Carbon (SCC) [are] …$19 per metric ton of carbon dioxide.” This estimate was developed by an interagency task force, and was employed in a Department of Energy rule for more energy efficient vending machines issued on August 31st.

Using the value of $19 per ton of carbon pollution avoided, the authors determined that the total midrange projection of Waxman-Markey’s benefits is $1.5 trillion total between 2012-2050. Projections estimate that the legislation would require $660 billion in investment during this time, which means that benefits are at least two times greater than costs:

At the SCC values preferred by the Department of Energy, the direct benefits of H.R. 2454 are more than double the costs. Using SCC values that have a more appropriately low discount rate built in (EPA’s 2% figures), direct benefits are nearly eight to nine times greater than costs.

Even these projections are very low because the estimated SCC employed in the analysis excludes the value of a number of important benefits. It excludes the reduction of other harmful pollutants released along with greenhouse gases from coal fired power plants, such as soot and mercury. It does not estimate the cost of fewer tropical diseases or respiratory ailments from smog, or less political unrest in volatile regions.

Special interests that defend the status quo and oppose clean energy programs are quick to trot out their studies predicting economic Armageddon due to enormously inflated costs. Never mind that most of these industry studies are riddled with false assumptions and ideologically driven guess work, and are often proven wrong over time.

Until now, advocates of progress have had few estimates of economic benefits of action. This is a credible estimate of the benefits of action, and it far outweighs the investment cost of building a clean energy economy. The Environmental Protection Agency must take the next step by conducting a more thorough, rigorous analysis of benefits to conclusively demonstrate that Americans will have a net economic benefit from clean energy and global warming legislation.

Update

A new report by the Union of Concerned Scientists finds that “global warming inaction could cost the
nation hundreds of billions by the end of the century.”

SCOTUS Poised To End Meaningful Campaign Finance Regulation

bribeLast Term, the Supreme Court took the unusual step of leaving a case on its docket undecided.  Rather than answer the narrow question presented in Citizens United v. FEC – whether a 90 minute film attacking former presidential candidate Hillary Rodham Clinton is subject to campaign finance laws — the justices instead ordered the parties to brief whether longstanding restrictions on corporate money in politics should be declared unconstitutional.  Today, the Court reheard Citizens United in a rare September sitting.

Early reports suggest that, true to form, the Court’s five conservatives are now poised to open the floodgates to unlimited corporate money in U.S. politics.  Justices Scalia, Kennedy and Thomas are already on record claiming that campaign finance reform violates the Constitution; and while Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Alito have not previously weighed in on this specific question, both of the Court’s newest conservatives towed predictably pro-corporate lines at today’s argument.  Although it’s likely that the Court will not completely eliminate all campaign regulation, the system that they leave in place will probably do little to keep United Health and AETNA, for example, from spending billions to defeat supporters of health reform in 2010 and 2012.

Presently, campaign finance law draws a distinction between “independent” campaign expenditures — such as money which funds attack ads that aren’t authorized by or coordinated with a campaign — and direct donations to a candidate.  Significantly, in its order asking the parties to rebrief Citizens United, the Court asked whether Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce, a case upholding bans on “independent” corporate expenditures, should be overruled, but it did not mention the century-old ban on direct campaign donations by corporations.  Accordingly, it is most likely that the Court will overrule Austin but leave the longstanding ban on direct contributions in place.

The intellectual framework  for this distinction rests on a frankly naive understanding of independent contributions as incapable of influencing politicians’ actions.  Historically, campaign finance regulation has been justified under the First Amendment because of the government’s compelling need to prevent either the reality or the appearance that politicians’ votes are driven solely by which interests are willing to write them the biggest check.  Conservatives have long maintained that independent contributions do not raise the specter of bribery, however, because the donor never actually interacts with the candidate or the campaign.  Apparently, in Justice Kennedy’s America, George W. Bush was incapable of figuring out who funded Swift Boat Veterans for Truth.

Moreover, preventing bribery is only one small part of an effective campaign finance scheme.  In 2005, for example, a Bush DOJ political appointee saved the tobacco industry $120 billion by secretly altering a court document to reduce the award the federal government was seeking in a lawsuit, but there is no indication that the industry bribed anyone to get the document altered.  Rather, Bush Administration officials sincerely believed that corporations should not be accountable for their actions, and their governed with these values in mind.  In 2010, and 2012, it should be easy for the tobacco industry to find similarly-minded candidates to throw their massive treasuries behind.

Ultimately, these massive treasuries are the problem with the Roberts Court’s likely decision in Citizens United.  Unlike actual human beings, corporations can exist forever and amass hundreds of billions of dollars in the process.  With such awesome resources at their hands, the record-breaking $745 million President Obama raised in his election campaign becomes quaint.  Indeed, if the Court opens the flood-gates on independent corporate campaign expenditures, actual spending by campaigns (and small donations by ordinary Americans) could become irrelevant, drowned out by a sea of corporate cash.

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