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Boehner Invents New Constitutional Doctrine Out Of Thin Air To Challenge Health Reform

House Minority Leader John Boehner’s (R-OH) passionate opposition to the notion that all Americans should be able to afford health care was apparent long before his orange-faced “Hell No You Can’t!” rant against the Affordable Care Act, so it should come as no surprise that he has signed an amicus brief challenging the ACA.  Anyone who is actually familiar with the Constitution, however, would be quite surprised by the arguments Boehner’s brief makes.  Indeed, the presumptive Speaker-elect appears to have invented an entirely new theory of the Constitution out of thin air in order to claim that the ACA is unconstitutional.

To be sure, there aren’t exactly any good arguments against the constitutionality of health reform.  As conservatives are so fond of pointing out, health care spending makes up about one-sixth of the U.S. economy, and even ultra-conservative Justice Antonin Scalia agrees that Congress has sweeping authority to regulate the economy.  Boehner’s brief nonetheless claims that the law’s minimum coverage provision — the provision requiring almost all Americans to either carry health insurance or pay slightly more in income taxes — exceeds Congress’ power under the Constitution.

As MIT economist Jonathan Gruber explains, this provision is essential to any health reform package that forbids discrimination against persons with preexisting conditions:

Insurance companies are also prohibited from excluding coverage due to preexisting illnesses.  This is a highly popular reform, but it doesn’t work in a vacuum. If insurance companies must charge the same price to people whether they’re sick or healthy many healthy people will view this as a “bad deal” and not buy insurance. This results in higher prices that chase even more people out of the market. The result is a “death spiral” that leads only the sick to purchase insurance at very high prices. Several states tried such community rating reforms—offering health insurance policies within a given territory at the same price to all persons without medical underwriting—in their nongroup markets over the past two decades, and sharp rises in insurance prices ensued along with rapidly shrinking market size.

The fact that the minimum coverage provision is essential to making sure the rest of the bill functions properly has constitutional implications.  A provision of the Constitution known as the Necessary and Proper Clause provides that Congress has the power “[t]o make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution” its power to pass economic regulation.  In Justice Scalia’s words, this means that “where Congress has the authority to enact a regulation of interstate commerce, it possesses every power needed to make that regulation effective.”

Boehner’s brief, however, essentially asks a Florida trial judge to rewrite this Necessary and Proper Clause to place a new an unheard of limit on Congressional authority.  Under Boehner’s reasoning, a law can only be enacted under the Necessary and Proper power if some other law would become “legally ineffective” without it.  Needless to say, Boehner fails to cite a single case supporting this claim.

The reason why Boehner can’t find such a case is because none exists.  There is, however, a Supreme Court case called Sabri v. United States, which completely eviscerates Boehner’s legal claim.  In Sabri, the Supreme Court held that — even though there is nothing in the Constitution expressly authorizing Congress to enact an anti-bribery law — Congress may still invoke its Necessary and Proper power to forbid people from bribing state officials in order to protect federal money that is entrusted to the states.  Under Boehner’s reasoning, Sabri could not have come down the way that it did, since an anti-bribery law is hardly essential to making a grant of money to the states “legally effective.”

Since Boehner is expected to lead the House of Representatives for the next two years, America can only hope that he doesn’t take the same careless attitude towards lawmaking that he does towards the Constitution.

The Incoming Republican Congress Must Avoid The Ethics Boomerang

Our guest blogger is Lisa Gilbert, Deputy Director of Congress Watch at Public Citizen.

This week, as both parties hold their leadership elections for the House of Representatives, is a good time to look forward towards what the House will look like under the leadership of incoming Speaker John Boehner (R-OH). When it comes to ethics, we urge the incoming leadership to avoid following in the footsteps of the most recent Republican Congress.

In the Republican-controlled 109th Congress, there was an unprecedented level of corruption, with lobbyists exerting influence through wining and dining, travel junkets and fundraising; lawmakers engaged in a record amount of “earmark for campaign contribution” trade-offs. In addition, former Rep. Tom DeLay’s (R-TX) K-Street project made it clear to the public that lobbyists had a favored role in the halls of Congress.

Flipping back through the scrapbook of this period’s abuses, the snapshots invoke predictable disgust:

    In 2003, disgraced former lobbyist Jack Abramoff gave away an estimated $180,000 in food and wine to members of Congress and staff. While at the nearby Capital Grille, it was standard to see congressional staffers giving their lunch checks to the nearest available lobbyist, who eagerly paid.

    In 2005, lawmakers took 1,340 trips at a cost of $3.6 million, usually billed to businesses and K Street firms with legislation pending before Congress and frequently aboard corporate jets carrying or filled with lobbyists.

    – Both the number and dollar amount of earmarks reached an all-time high in this era, with 13,997 earmarks worth $27.3 billion in 2005 and 9,963 earmarks worth $29 billion in 2006, according to the watchdog group Citizens Against Government Waste.

    – With the “K Street Project” in full swing, lobbying firms were pressured by Republican leaders to hire prominent Republican Party operatives and staffers in return for special access.

Though the K Street Project came to an official end with passage of HOLGA, Boehner is again working very closely with K Street. He has put together a list of about 75 to 80 potential chiefs of staff for newly arriving Republican members of Congress, including current and former Capitol Hill staffers and lobbyists who have been recommended or have inquired about working for an incoming Republican member. Read more

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