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Gangland Fun

A couple of weeks back we were talking about which sort of crime syndicate might make a good successor to this thing of ours in American popular culture. One candidate was the Salvadoran gang MS-13. I was skeptical of this proposal, since even living ‘lo these past few years right around DC’s main concentration of Salvadoran people, MS-13 has never seemed to do anything especially interesting (I suppose a machete attack would be fun to watch).

More recently, though, I discovered the MS-13 blog (a blog about the gang, not by it) and it turns out to be more interesting than I’d thought — much wider in scope, in particular.

Politics

Giuliani To Regent University: ‘The Amount Of Influence You Have Is Really, Really Terrific’

giulianirobertson.gif Today, former New York City mayor Rudy Giuliani spoke at Pat Robertson’s Regent University. In the opening of his speech, he congratulated Robertson for the “influence” Regent has:

Thank you very, very much, Pat. Thank you for the very kind words and the introduction. And thank you for having me here.

I am very, very impressed with Regent University, when I consider that it was founded just a short while ago. The number of graduates that you have and the amount of influence that you have is really, really terrific.

And of all the many things that you’ve done — and there have been many, and many contributions…

Regent is ranked a “tier four” school by US News & World Report, “the lowest score and essentially a tie for 136th place.” Yet approximately one in six Regent graduates are employed in government work, and 150 serve in the Bush administration.

Monica Goodling, the former top aide to Attorney General Alberto Gonzales who graduated from Regent’s law school, perhaps best exemplifies the “terrific” influence Regent is exerting on the nation. Last month, Goodling admitted to the Senate Judiciary Committee that she had “taken inappropriate political considerations into account” while hiring career employees at the Justice Department. At one point she even pressured Michael Battle, head of the Executive Office for U.S. Attorneys, to replace two long-standing Justice officials with “a fellow Regent law school graduate.”

The “amount of influence” that Regent has had is a testimony to the willingness of some of its graduates to place partisan loyalties over principle.

Former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney (R-MA) also recently spoke at Regent and commended Robertson for his “dedication to strengthening and then nurturing the pillars of this community and our country.”

Digg It!

Politics

Breaking: Abramoff-linked Bush official sent to prison.

CNN reports that J. Steven Griles, the former No. 2 official in the Interior Department, was sentenced to 10 months in prison today for “lying to the Senate about his relationship with convicted lobbyist Jack Abramoff,” who got Griles to intervene at the agency for his Indian tribal clients. Griles had proposed “community service” (with a lobbyist group) in lieu of a prison sentence.

UPDATE: More from the AP.

Politics

Thompson’s controversial lobbyist past.

Former senator Fred Thompson today defended his work as a Washington lobbyist, telling the AP, “Nobody yet has pointed out any of my clients that didn’t deserve representation.” But the AP reports:

Thompson, who likes to cast himself as a political outsider, earned more than $1 million lobbying the federal government for more than 20 years. He lobbied for a savings-and-loan deregulation bill that helped hasten the industry’s collapse and a failed nuclear energy project that cost taxpayers more than a billion dollars.

He also was a lobbyist for deposed Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, who was widely criticized for endorsing “necklacing,” the gruesome practice of execution where gasoline-soaked tires are thrown over a person’s neck and set ablaze. In September 1991, Aristide said: “The buring tire, what a beautiful tool! … It smells good. And wherever you go, you want to smell it.”

Yglesias

Killing the Patient

I should mention with regard to ongoing discussion of the Center for American Progress’ recent Iraq report that one of the report’s main authors, Brian Katulis, had a brilliant (and shorter) piece out earlier this month specifically on the foolhardy nature of the training mission:

The United States has poured more than $20 billion into building an Iraqi national army and police force designed to defend a government that simply cannot forge the key political compromises necessary to unite their own country. The so-called “surge” of U.S. forces, alongside stepped up training of the Iraqi army and police, is supposed to create the political “space” necessary for the country’s squabbling political leaders to reach these compromises, yet that’s not happening.

Why? Most of Iraq’s violence is related to a vicious struggle for power that only has a political solution. Training and skills building are not the fundamental issue for Iraq’s security forces. In fact many of Iraqi security forces have more training than hundreds of U.S. soldiers being deployed as part of this surge. Their problems are motivation and allegiance.

Right. Politics is strictly primary in this kind of situation. If you have a political actor whose goals you support, and that actor has a bunch of people prepared to fight for those goals, then you might come in and offer weapons and training to help them achieve their goals. But the idea that US military personnel are hypnotists whose training methods are going to transform Iraqi fighters into the people it would be convenient to us for them to be is silly.

Yglesias

Taxing Capital Gains

The New York Times was, of course, correct to argue yesterday that private equity firm managers should need to pay the normal income tax rate rather than the much lower capital gains tax rate. The larger story, however, is that all income should be taxed according to a single rate schedule. Right now, capital income is taxed much more lightly than labor income, which is great if you’re rich, but otherwise not such a hot idea.

Ron Wyden has a proposal to clean this up, which seems to be in some ways modeled on this older proposal from the Center for American Progress. I’d like to see presidential candidates take this issue up.

Culture

Sopranos Revisited

Emily Nussbaum’s weeks old New York Magazine retrospective on The Sopranos is the best thing I’ve seen written about the show post-finale. It’s also the definitive text on what I think is the most plausible emerging narrative of support for the show’s ambiguous ending. And, indeed, this literature has convinced me that my initial harsh reaction to the end was misplaced and that the show’s final scene is going to go down as a creative risk that paid off in a big way.

What Nussbaum makes me realize, however, is that my anger at the ending was a form of displaced upset at the actual problem with the show. The difficulty is that if you read her brilliant reconstruction of what the show is about and then step back to think about your own recollection of the show, you’ll see that an enormous amount of the screen time was dedicated to things that are utterly tangential to Nussbaum’s reconstruction. What you have, in essence, is a brilliant overarching story, a great team of writers, a fantastic cast, and . . . a lot of padding.

Characters with multi-episodes arcs (Furio, that one priest, Richie Aprile) don’t really play a role and any number of dominant threads in individual episodes are reduced to the status of one-offs and character sketches. In this regard, The Sopranos winds up having quite a bit in common with some of the better-regarded network dramas of the 1990s. The X-Files drew a sharp distinction between episodes that advanced “the mythology” and those that were just episodes. Buffy wasn’t quite as hard and fast, but it’s still clear if you go back and watch it on DVD that some episodes (including some of the best beloved ones like Hush) don’t really have anything to do with “the story” of the show.

The Sopranos is even more graceful about not walling off its tangential threads, but it’s still full of them. The most relevant contrast, in this regard, is to The Wire which, through four seasons, has been the very model of narrative economy with nary a wasted gesture. This characteristic isn’t identical to show quality (Rome has it to a greater extent than The Sopranos, but the latter is still the better work all thins considered) but to me it does count as an important desiderata. Sadly, in the case of The Sopranos we’re also aware, extra-textually, that this padded out quality isn’t even a flawed artistic choice but pretty clearly the result of the huge amount of money on the table persuading the creative team to make more episodes than their instincts suggested should be made.

Politics

Shadow Cabinet

The always-provocative Jonathan Rauch has a slightly curious column in The Atlanic praising the new front-loaded primary schedule. Yes, he acknowledges some flaws, but he thinks a longer general election campaign would be a pretty good thing. Finally, he writes this:

For me, though, what tips the scales in favor of early primaries, with the resulting long general-election campaign, is that they give U.S. politics an opportunity to mimic one of the best features of British-style parliamentary politics: the shadow government. American commentators often observe, with envy, that political campaigns in parliamentary systems are much shorter. In Britain, the formal campaign and election span weeks, not months or years. But such commentators tend to overlook the fact that by the time a British election rolls around, voters have had months or years to get to know the candidates, parties, agendas, and even cabinets. The party and prime minister in office are known quantities. Typically, opposition leaders are familiar too, because the parties choose their leaders well in advance of most elections. And these leaders choose shadow cabinets, the men and women who would ascend to ministerial portfolios if the party won. In other words, the voters decide not just between two candidates or even two parties but, in effect, between two governments.

For me, I’m all for the shadow cabinet concept. It’s also even arguably true that “Until the modern era of front-loaded primaries, any similar arrangement in the United States would have been all but impossible.” Still, just because it’s now possible doesn’t mean it’s actually going to happen. Indeed, the odds of it happening strike me as overwhelmingly small. The reason is that it serves candidates interests just fine to leave as large a pool as possible of semi-important people looking for jobs. Absent a shadow cabinet, you’ll probably have Richard Holbrooke telling everyone who might possibly care what Richard Holbrooke thinks that whichever person happens to have won the Democratic nomination is a brilliant individual with sound instincts guided by the greatest team ever assembled. But if you do have a shadow cabinet and it doesn’t include Holbrooke well, then, here come the off-the-record quotes about how so-and-so’s a bit of a softie, not really up the job, a bit of a left-wing nut, etc., etc., etc.

And that’s not to cast any particular aspersions on Holbrooke, I just don’t know off the top of my head the names of any likely candidates to be a Democratic Secretary of the Treasury. The point is that candidates try to avoid sending clear signals about this kind of thing for a reason.

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