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MS attorney general files suit against Barbour.

In light of Mississippi Gov. Haley Barbour (R) naming Rep. Roger Wicker (R-MS) as a replacement for Trent Lott’s Senate seat, State Attorney General Jim Hood filed a lawsuit today in Hinds County Circuit Court “seeking an injunction to require the special election for Lott’s replacement to be conducted within 90 days”:

In a Dec. 20 proclamation, Barbour set the Nov. 4, 2008 general election as the date for the senatorial special election. If a runoff is required, it will be conducted on Nov. 25, the governor said. But Hood said state statute mandates the governor set the election within 90 days of his proclamation.

As a result of the governor’s proclamation, the state of Mississippi will be without a popularly elected replacement senator for at least 322 days (10 months and 17 days) and possibly 342 days (11 months and seven days) in the event of a runoff election,” Hood said in his motion for a preliminary injunction.

(HT: Cotton Mouth)

Culture

David Simon and the Audacity of Despair

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Reihan Salam critiques The Wire: “David Simon thinks he’s constructed a critique of capitalism, but in fact he’s prepared an elaborate, moving brief for despair and (ultimately) indifference.”

I think that’s right. What’s more, based on what I’ve heard David Simon say about politics, while he and I are clearly “on the same side” in some sense, I don’t really agree with him about very much in detail. Fundamentally, I think his vision of the bleak urban dystopia and its roots is counterproductive to advancing the values we hold dear. That said, I think the show succeeds not in spite of these lacunae in Simon’s political vision, but almost because of them. Trying to do a piece of extended drama that embodied the values of pragmatic progressive reformism would be impossible. The results, if serious and true to the spirit, would be deadly dull. Moderate optimism about human nature and the possibility for change is, if done in an entertaining way, the stuff of light romantic comedies, not big-time drama.

And I think everyone recognizes that on some level. But part of what gives The Wire such great power is its creator’s conviction, wrong though it is, that his tragic vision constitutes telling it like it is. While departing from both reality and realism in any number of ways, The Wire is resolutely committed to verisimilitude in a way that almost no other show is. The result is the creation of a world — Simon’s Baltimore — that feels eminently real, but is imbued with all the artifice of Greek tragedy.

In political terms it’s a dark vision that, like Dostoevsky’s, veers wildly between radical and reactionary and that exists, fundamentally, outside the lines of “normal” arguments about policy. Simon believes that we are doomed, and political progress requires us to believe that we are not. But aesthetically it’s an extremely powerful conceit. And at the end of the day, it’s a television show not a treatise on urban policy. If some viewers are taking it too literally as a statement of truth, that’s on them much more than it is on Simon.

Politics

Perino Falsely Claims Congress Has ‘Not Moved Forward’ On Bush’s ‘Good’ Judicial Nominees

The LA Times reports today that the current 110th Congress has approved more of Bush’s nominees than did the previous GOP-led Congress:

Despite the Republicans’ loss of control of the Senate, 40 of Bush’s judges won confirmation this year, more than in the previous three years when Republicans held the majority.

By contrast, the Republican-controlled Senate in 1996 confirmed only 17 of President Clinton’s judicial nominations.

Despite this record, when asked about President Bush’s “most important priorities” for 2008, White House Press Secretary Dana Perino took the opportunity to bash Congress on its failure to “move forward” on more of the President’s nominees:

And in addition to that, we have many outstanding nominations that need to be confirmed, both judicial and also throughout the government. And it really is unfortunate that Congress has not moved forward on its obligation to have hearings and to hold votes, because the president has nominated very good people.

Watch it:

[flv http://video.thinkprogress.org/2008/01/perinojudicial12.320.240.flv]

Bush’s nominees currently being blocked by the Senate are some of the most controversial, despite Perino’s assertion that they are all “very good people.” Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) kept the Senate in a pro forma session over recess to prevent Bush from granting them recess appointments.

For example, senators have objected to Steven Bradbury, acting chief of the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel, who “signed two secret memos in 2005 saying it was OK for the CIA use harsh interrogation techniques” on detainees. Another, James Holsinger, is currently being held up as Surgeon General over his statements that gay sex is “intuitively” unnatural and can lead to “lacerations, perforations and deaths.”

Transcript: Read more

Culture

Juno‘s Politics

[This post contains spoilers] I keep thinking about Ross’s post on the politics of Juno and his contention that:

None of this means that movie is a brief for overturning Roe v. Wade; far from it. But like Knocked Up, it’s decidedly a brief for not getting an abortion.

I really don’t know. I mean, consider alternatives. There’s no way to make a movie about a single woman and her unplanned pregnancy if you make the unplanned pregnancy end with an early abortion the way most such pregnancies end. But it can’t be that the mere act of telling the story of a non-abortion constitutes a “brief” for getting not getting an abortion. And much of the plot of Juno is consistent with everything going awry after Mark and Venessa break up. If things had gone awry, you would have wound up with a very different film in terms of this alleged anti-abortion message — you’d have something about how even leaving aside the inconvenience, etc., adoption is no panacea.

Instead, that all ends up happily and Juno even finds true love. But it’s that — the positive outcome rather than the portrayal of the decision itself — that lends the film something of an anti-abortion quality. Like Knocked Up it’s a film where a woman decides not to have an abortion under circumstances where an abortion seemed like a likely outcome, and then despite some difficulties it all winds up well in the end. But is this really a political message, or is it just Hollywood sentimentality? If it’s the former, then it winds up being a pretty dumb message.

It would be a message that posits that the whole phenomenon of abortion in the United States is a kind of giant analytical error on the part of American women — tons and tons of them are getting pregnant and having abortions because they think carrying the pregnancy to term would have very bad consequences for their lives, but actually they’re mistaken. You might think your unplanned pregnancy would hurt your career as an on-air television personality, but really it will advance your career! You might think your parents will be mad and your friends will ostracize you, but really they’ll all be supportive! Best of all, sticking with your unplanned pregnancy is solid ticket to love and marriage! But at the end of the day, it’s really just silly to suppose that any huge proportion of abortions are mistakes like that.

The crux of the political problem for the anti-abortion movement is that pro-life activists think that a woman should be legally required to carry her pregnancy to term whether or not the consequences of doing so are likely to be negative. If making an effective “brief” for not having an abortion requires you to just posit that the non-abortion path will work out super-well, then you’re simply not engaging the argument. Juno’s family and friends are helpful and supportive and good for them and good for her. And Alison Scott’s employers are enthusiastic about her pregnancy. But what about teenage girls whose parents aren’t helpful and supportive? What about women whose careers really would be imperiled by a pregnancy? Those women are the real subjects of the abortion controversy and I don’t think Juno or Knocked Up really has anything to say about them. Which doesn’t harm them as light comedies, but does, I think, totally undermine efforts to construe them as having important political messages.

Politics

DOJ launches investigation into CIA tape destruction.

The Justice Department has “opened a criminal investigation into the destruction of CIA interrogation videotapes,” reports the AP. Attorney General Michael Mukasey has named John Durham, a federal prosecutor in Connecticut, to oversee the case.

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UPDATE: In his statement, Mukasey explains that the FBI will be conducting the investigation under Durham’s supervision.

UPDATE II: Marty Lederman says John Durham is neither “outside” nor “special,” nor “independent”: “Durham will still report to the Deputy Attorney General, who in turn reports to Judge Mukasey. This is not like the Scooter Libby case, in which the ‘special’ prosecutor was guaranteed substantial independence from Main Justice.”

Politics

California sues EPA over blocked emissions law.

The state of California filed a lawsuit against the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency today, contesting the decision last month by administrator Stephen Johnson to deny the state the right to regulate greenhouse gases from vehicles. The lawsuit, which is expected to be joined by other states, will challenge “the Bush administration’s conclusion that states have no business setting emission standards.”

Politics

The Horrors of Iowa

Here’s a good piece by Jeff Greenfield that explains a bit about why the Iowa Caucuses are such a terrible way to pick a presidential nominee. Basically, there were never intended to be a good way to pick a presidential nominee:

George McGovern in 1972, and Jimmy Carter more successfully in 1976, made the Iowa caucuses a pre-New Hampshire test of political strength. And then they became in effect a “pre-primary primary,” which bring to the state tens of millions of dollars and massive media overkill. In the process, the original purpose of the caucuses—to conduct party business and to talk over local concerns—became completely overwhelmed by the presidential frenzy for which they’re so ill-suited. As Drake University professor Dennis Goldford notes, “The presidential preference just began as something piggybacking on an ordinary set of party functions, and it’s been blown way out of proportion.”

Ah, America.

Security

Edwards Finally Gets On Board Strategic Reset Plan; Will Others Follow?

jreThe New York Times reports today that former Senator and current Democratic presidential candidate John Edwards is calling for a 10-month troop withdrawal from Iraq, including those troops currently training Iraqi security forces. This raises two questions:

1. What took Edwards so long? His main argument for getting the troops out more quickly is similar to the ones we made when the Center for American Progress released its Strategic Reset report more than six months ago.

It makes little sense to spend billions trying to build a national army for a government that lacks the full support of Iraq’s leaders, and there are significant risks that the U.S. strategy is currently arming up different sides in Iraq’s internal conflicts, which may be in a temporary lull.

Moreover, an open-ended commitment fosters a culture of dependency among Iraq’s forces. The United States is expending its most precious national security assets — our young men and women in uniform — in “training” efforts that may essentially make Iraq’s forces less self-sufficient and less likely to take on the tasks only they can get done because they are more dependent on U.S. assistance. The political stalemate among Iraq’s leaders stands where it essentially was two years ago in the immediate aftermath of its last national elections in December 2005 — there has been no progress on national reconciliation. And as an Iraqi working with McClatchy Newspapers in Baghdad tells us today, the Iraqi parliament finally came back from its 16th vacation since it was formed in April 2006 — but is not likely to achieve much.

It is good that Edwards realized this fundamental principle — that mindlessly training Iraq’s security forces in the absence of any political reconciliation and progress is dangerous. But why did it take so long? We could have told you that six months ago. In fact, we did. Which leads to another question —

2. When will the other candidates move to this position? To their credit, the two other Democratic frontrunners, Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama, have both acknowledged the risks of training without political progress and reconciliation. Senator Obama gave a speech earlier this year that said he would continue training Iraqis IF political progress was made and the Iraqi forces did not act in a sectarian manner. Senator Clinton also has issued similar qualifications, though less clear, saying this past summer she would support training “only to the extent we believe such training is working.”

As Ilan Goldenberg at National Security Network noted, this shift to question training missions has occurred gradually over the past few months among the Democratic presidential frontrunners. Questioning the training is quite different from saying one would affirmatively bring it to an end because it was in the national security interests of the United States, which is what Edwards did today.

We all know that nearly all conservative candidates, except for Ron Paul, are out to lunch on Iraq, and that other progressive candidates are pushing for a sensible redeployment of U.S. troops from Iraq. A strong majority of Americans — 57 percent — want U.S. troops out of Iraq by 2009. Will the rest of the candidates listen to the American public?

Brian Katulis

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