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Yglesias

Should Everyone Go to College?

“Professor X,” not only the world’s greatest telepath but also the pseudonym of an actual professor says no in the new Atlantic:

Sending everyone under the sun to college is a noble initiative. Academia is all for it, naturally. Industry is all for it; some companies even help with tuition costs. Government is all for it; the truly needy have lots of opportunities for financial aid. The media applauds it—try to imagine someone speaking out against the idea. To oppose such a scheme of inclusion would be positively churlish. But one piece of the puzzle hasn’t been figured into the equation, to use the sort of phrase I encounter in the papers submitted by my English 101 students. The zeitgeist of academic possibility is a great inverted pyramid, and its rather sharp point is poking, uncomfortably, a spot just about midway between my shoulder blades.

For I, who teach these low-level, must-pass, no-multiple-choice-test classes, am the one who ultimately delivers the news to those unfit for college: that they lack the most-basic skills and have no sense of the volume of work required; that they are in some cases barely literate; that they are so bereft of schemata, so dispossessed of contexts in which to place newly acquired knowledge, that every bit of information simply raises more questions. They are not ready for high school, some of them, much less for college.

I am the man who has to lower the hammer.

This is all true, but there are basically two ways of looking at the upshot. One would be to say that we have too many people starting college. Another would be to say that we need to do a better job of preparing more people for college. The growth in the wage premium associated with a college degree suggests the latter option to me. The fact that many European countries now have a higher proportion of people graduating from college also suggests the same to me. There’s also the fact that currently at the college level we devote the most resources to the best prepared students while the worst-prepared students get the least resources (that’s clear from Professor X’s article) even though the objective level of need runs in the other direction.

See also Kevin Carey’s remarks.

Politics

McCain’s finance co-chair resigns after conflict-of-interest allegations.

Recently, two aides to Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) were forced to resign because of ties to a firm that once represented the Burmese Junta. As a result, McCain introduced a “conflict-of-interest policy” for his campaign, requiring staffers to disclose clients that “could be embarrassing for the senator.” Newsweek reports that national finance co-chair Tom Loeffler has been lobbying on behalf of foreign interests:

[Loeffler's] lobbying firm has collected nearly $15 million from Saudi Arabia since 2002 and millions more from other foreign and corporate interests, including a French aerospace firm seeking Pentagon contracts. Loeffler last month told a reporter “at no time have I discussed my clients with John McCain.” But lobbying disclosure records reviewed by NEWSWEEK show that on May 17, 2006, Loeffler listed meeting McCain along with the Saudi ambassador to “discuss US-Kingdom of Saudi Arabia relations.”

Loeffler’s firm also hired Susan Nelson, McCain’s finance director, as a consultant to “help him with his clients” while she continued working for the campaign. But election law prohibits “any outside entity from subsidizing the income of campaign workers.” After Newsweek raised questions about the matter, the campaign “confirmed Loeffler’s resignation and the termination of Nelson’s consulting contract.”

Yglesias

“Appeasement Reconsidered”

Lorelei Kelly reminds me of Jeffrey Record’s excellent monograph “Appeasement Reconsidered” done for the Army War College’s Institute for Strategic Studies (a noted hotbed of anti-American sentiment), a survey of the misuse of “appeasement” rhetoric to sell people on foreign policy boondoggles in the post-war era. John McCain and George Bush should check it out, they might learn something.

Yglesias

27

It’s my birthday! But don’t buy me a present, buy a copy of Heads in the Sand for yourself. Amazon’s now pairing it with Ron Paul’s book, so you know it’s got to be good. Or something.

Also — reading/Q&A this evening at Politics and Prose, 5PM.

All things considered, I thought 26 was one of my top years. I’m pretty sure my dad once advised me to get married by the time I was 27 or I’d be bald by then, but I think I’ve still got a couple of good years left in me.

Security

Webb: Bush Would Be First President In History To Veto Benefits For Vets

On NBC’s “Meet the Press” this morning, Sen. Jim Webb (D-VA) discussed his 21st Century GI Bill, which would dramatically expand educational benefits for returning veterans. President Bush, however, has vowed to veto the bill. Webb blasted Bush for this unprecedented action:

No president in history has vetoed a benefits bill for those who served. … The Republican party is on the block here, to clearly demonstrate that they value military service or suffer the consequences of losing the support of people who’ve served. … The president has a choice here to show how much he values military service.

Watch it:

The Pentagon has suggested that Webb’s bill is too generous in conferring benefits to soldiers after “only” two years of service. However, as Webb pointed out, soldiers would still have to finish their enlistment term. What’s more, as a recent CBO report showed, any loss in reenlistment rates is entirely made up for by increased military recruits.

Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) and his allies have introduced their own version of the bill, which would reserve the most generous benefits for those who have served at least 12 years. Webb pointed out that it would exclude the vast majority of service members:

Seventy to 75 percent of the ground troops in the Army and the Marine Corps have left the service by the end of their first enlistment. And those are the people who are not being taken care of. … They are not getting an opportunity for the first-class education they deserve.

As Webb pointed out, conservatives need to match their rhetoric on supporting the troops with their actions.

Yglesias

From Vouchers to Credits

Kevin Carey watches libertarian thinking on education policy descend from vouchers to a preference for tax credits, which will work like vouchers except be much more regressive. And of course that’s the problem with relying on an ideological movement that doesn’t believe there should be public services for advice on how to organize your public services. Once public schools have been replaced by vouchers and vouchers have been replaced by tax credits, the next logic step is to reduce the size of the credits and just have lower taxes overall.

People with the means and inclination to send their kids to a good school can do so, and families lacking such means or inclination can send them to a bad one or have them go out and get a job. That, after all, is the essence of freedom and who could be against that? Besides which, everyone knows that the lower tax rates resulting from the end of public education will produce more economic growth and benefit the poor in the long run.

Culture

The Economics of Amateurism

Interesting paper from Dan Hunter and John Quiggin:

In the economy of the 21st century, economic and technical innovation is increasingly based on developments that don’t rely on economic incentive or public provision. Unlike 20th century innovation, the most important developments in innovation have been driven not by research funded by governments or developed by corporations but by the collaborative interactions of individuals. In most cases, this modality of innovation has not been motivated by economic concerns or the prospect of profit. This raises the possibility of a world in which some of the sectors of the economy particularly the ones dealing with innovation and creativity are driven by social interactions of various kinds, rather than by profit-oriented investment. This Article examines the development of this amateur modality of creative production, and explains how it came to exist. It then deals with why this modality is different from and potentially inconsistent with the typical modalities of production that are at the heart of modern views of innovation policy. It provides a number of policy prescriptions that should be used by governments to recognize the significance of amateur innovation, and to further the development of amateur productivity.

One often-underlooked element of the intellectual property debate is the ability of the IP regime to effect the balance. Some things are done on a commercial basis and some are done on an amateur basis. Strong IP makes it more difficult for commercial and non-commercial actors alike to be able to innovate. It compensates for erecting this financial hurdle by creating unique financial incentives toward innovation — incentives that only help a commercial actor. In a world with weaker IP, more and more work should come from hobbyists, amateurs, and non-profit organizations.

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