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The Clean-Energy Investment Agenda

A shrinking cap on emissions and a rising price for carbon dioxide is the sine qua non of enabling a sustained transition to a clean energy economy (see “The only way to win the clean energy race is to pass the clean energy bill“).  But it is not the only strategy needed to ensure a rapid transition at the lowest possible cost.  CAP’s John Podesta, Kate Gordon , Bracken Hendricks, and Benjamin Goldstein discuss what “A Comprehensive Approach to Building the Low-Carbon Economy” would entail in a new report (here) and a post first published here.

The United States is having the wrong public debate about global warming. We are asking important questions about pollution caps and timetables, carbon markets and allocations, but we have lost sight of our principal objective: building a robust and prosperous clean energy economy. This is a fundamentally affirmative agenda, rather than a restrictive one. Moving beyond pollution from fossil fuels will involve exciting work, new opportunities, new products and innovation, and stronger communities. Our current national discussion about constraints, limits, and the costs of transition misses the real excitement in this proposition. It is as if, on the cusp of an Internet and telecommunications revolution, debate centered only on the cost of fiber optic cable. We are missing the big picture here.

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Yglesias

Eurolinks

Wenn Du denkst, Fuck it all, wie soll es weitergehen?

— The SDP’s Deutschland-plan video; green jobs seem to be involved.

— Have we been moving backwards in terms of creating an effective Afghan military?

— The theory that the discovery of life on other planets would render class struggle irrelevant seems contradicted by the classic Soviet silent film Aelita: Queen of Mars.

— Canada is the wolrd’s number one destination for spies.

— Don’t pee in the playground.

Gonna try to do songs by German bands while I’m over here, largely based on recommendations I got over Twitter since I’m not really familiar with much German music. Here’s Tocotronic’s “Kapitulation”.

Climate Progress

The Clean-Energy Investment Agenda

Our guest bloggers are Center for American Progress CEO John Podesta, Vice President for Energy Policy Kate Gordon, Senior Fellow Bracken Hendricks, and Policy Analyst Benjamin Goldstein.

Clean Energy for AmericaThe United States is having the wrong public debate about global warming. We are asking important questions about pollution caps and timetables, carbon markets and allocations, but we have lost sight of our principal objective: building a robust and prosperous clean energy economy. This is a fundamentally affirmative agenda, rather than a restrictive one. Moving beyond pollution from fossil fuels will involve exciting work, new opportunities, new products and innovation, and stronger communities. Our current national discussion about constraints, limits, and the costs of transition misses the real excitement in this proposition. It is as if, on the cusp of an Internet and telecommunications revolution, debate centered only on the cost of fiber optic cable. We are missing the big picture here.

Let’s be clear: Solving global warming means investment. Retooling the energy systems that fuel our economy will involve rebuilding our nation’s infrastructure. We will create millions of middle-class jobs along the way, revitalize our manufacturing sector, increase American competitiveness, reduce our dependence on oil, and boost technological innovation. These investments in the foundation of our economy can also provide an opportunity for more broadly shared prosperity through better training, stronger local economies, and new career ladders into the middle class. Reducing greenhouse gas pollution is critical to solving global warming, but it is only one part of the work ahead. Building a robust economy that grows more vibrant as we move beyond the Carbon Age is the greater and more inspiring challenge.

Reducing greenhouse gas emissions to avert dangerous global warming is an environmental challenge, but it is also an economic, national security, societal, and moral imperative. The “cap and trade” provisions, which will set limits on pollution and create a market for emissions reductions that will ultimately drive down the cost of renewable energy and fuel, represent a very important first step and a major component in the mix of policies that will help build the coming low-carbon economy. But limiting emissions and establishing a price on pollution is not the goal in itself, and we will fall short if that is all we set out to do. Rather, cap and trade is one key step to reach the broader goal of catalyzing the transformation to an efficient and sustainable low-carbon economy. With unemployment at 9.5 percent, and oil and energy price volatility driving businesses into the ground, we cannot afford to wait any longer. It is time for a legislative debate over a comprehensive clean-energy investment plan. We need far more than cap and trade alone.

Importantly, many elements of this positive clean-energy investment framework are already codified within existing legislation such as the American Clean Energy and Security Act, passed by House of Representatives earlier this year. But with all the attention given to limiting carbon, too little attention has been placed on what will replace it. These critical pieces of America’s clean-energy strategy should be elevated in the policy agenda and political debate as we move forward into the Senate, and used to help move legislation forward that advances a proactive investment and economic revitalization strategy for the nation.

Read the Center for American Progress report, The Clean-Energy Investment Agenda.

Politics

Hatch Amendment Raises Excise Tax Threshold “For Any State With A Name That Begins With The Letter ‘U’”

Members of the Senate Finance committee have submitted 534 amendments to Sen. Max Baucus’ (D-MT) health care mark. Democrats introduced several amendments, including provisions re-instating the public insurance option, striking the network of consumer-driven cooperatives, expanding Medicare to Americans aged 54 to 65, and improving affordability standards.

And while Republicans have proposed several compromise amendments, most of their provisions seek to delay the mark-up process and undermine the bill. Sen. Orrin Hatch (R-UT), for instance, introduced an amendment (Hatch F7) to “add transition relief for the excise tax on high cost insurance plans for any State with a name the begins with the letter ‘U.’” The amendment would increase the threshold at which high-cost insurance plans could be taxed.

Below are some of the other superfluous amendments introduced by Republicans:


Amendment/Sponsor Provision
Ensign 409 Transparency in Czars.
Hatch 511 Prohibits authorized or appropriated federal funds under the Mark from being distributed to or used by ACORN.
Ensign 543 Strike the word “fee” everywhere it appears in the bill and replace with the word “tax.”
Roberts 137 To prevent Medicare payment policies which discourage physicians from fulfilling their Hippocratic Oath to maintain the good of their patients as their highest priority, and instead encourage the rationing of health care.
Roberts 144 To ensure that if people like the hometown hospital they have, they can keep it.

Hatch rationalizes his amendment by explaining that “the transition relief provided in the Chairman’s mark for the 17 states with the least affordable health care is obviously arbitrary and unfair. What about the 18th state? This amendment would add further transition relief in another, but no less arbitrary way to certain states.”

Politics

Rhode Island GOP assemblyman quits party following embarrassment of Wilson’s ‘you lie’ screed.

ivanmarteIvan Marte, the ex-chairman of the Rhode Island Republican Hispanic Assembly, has announced that he’s quitting the Republican Party because he was embarrassed by Rep. Joe Wilson’s “you lie” outburst at President Obama:

“I do not want to continue being a member of a party in which the members of the party express themselves in that way,” said Marte, 59, of Cranston. In a phone interview, he called Wilson’s behavior “shameful” and “uncivilized.”

But Marte said Wilson’s outburst was the last straw in a series of disappointments that led him to break with his party.

In a letter to GOP chairman Giovanni Cicione, Marte wrote, “I do hope that my resignation served as a sign, that the Republican Party in this Nation need to reevaluate their position” on reaching out to minority groups.

Yglesias

Blame the Political Institutions, Not Political Will for Climate Action Problems

European leaders are certainly right to be disturbed by the apparently poor legislative prospects for cap and trade in the United States. And of course nobody in the world wants to move forward without American leadership.

But to blame the problem on a lack of “political will” strikes me as quite misleading. The House of Representatives has, after all, passed a pretty ambitious climate change bill with the support of the President of the United States. The difference between the U.S. and Europe in this regard isn’t fundamentally that we lack the will, it’s that the same amount of will gets more done in Europe than it does in the United States where you nowadays need 60 votes in an unrepresentative and largely ineffectual but hyper-empowered upper house of the legislature in order to pass bills. Where will does come into play is that the leadership of the Democratic Party does seem extremely reluctant to use the tools at their disposal—reconciliation and the “nuclear option”—to lower some of these hurdles. But the fact remains that Barack Obama and co. face an objectively different challenge from their colleagues operating in parliamentary systems.

In Germany, even right-of-center parties acknowledge the reality of climate change. They worry that if they didn’t, they would lose elections. Which is exactly what happened to the right-of-center party in the US. But in Germany if you lose the election, then the governing coalition that beat you gets to enact its agenda. It doesn’t work like that in America.

Politics

Despite Beck’s anti-federal spending rhetoric, he initially supported Bush’s $700 billion bailout.

becksfewl Much of Fox News host Glenn Beck’s appeal is his populist, anti-government rhetoric, which gained extra traction during the federal government’s financial bailouts. “Wall Street owns our government,” Beck declared in July. “Our government and these gigantic corporations have merged.” A couple of weeks later, he “mockingly replaced the stars on the American flag with the logos of corporate giants like G.E., General Motors, Wal-Mart and Citigroup.” But the blog Another War of Jenkins’ Ear points out that Beck — while appearing on CNN Headline News — actually voiced his support for President Bush’s $700 billion bailout:

But these are anything but normal times. I thought about it an awful lot this weekend, and while it takes everything in me to say this, I think the bailout is the right thing do.

The “REAL STORY” is the $700 billion that you’re hearing about now is not only, I believe, necessary, it is also not nearly enough, and all of the weasels in Washington know it.

Economy

After First Laughing Off Recession, Gov. Perry Admits ‘This Whole Country’s In A Recession’

Just a couple days after Gov. Rick Perry (R-TX) touted that his state was “recession proof” and callously suggested that Texas wasn’t even in a recession, Perry changed his tune in an interview with ThinkProgress at this weekend’s Value Voters Summit.

On Saturday, Perry acknowledged that Texas has been “absolutely” impacted by a recession that plagues the whole country and accuses Washington of pushing his state farther into it:

This whole country’s in a recession. You don’t lose the number of jobs that we’ve lost in this country — and Texas has been impacted too. But, there’s no doubt that the impact is substantially less on Texas because of the policies that we’ve put in place. You better believe it — every family, every person who’s lost a job is a reflection of some policy, generally speaking policies that have come out of Washington, DC…

But you ask any people in the country which state would you rather economically be in than any other one, they rather be in Texas. We balanced our budget, we gave 40,000 small businesses a tax cut and we’re working towards having 9 billion dollars in our rainy day fund. In anybody’s estimation, that’s good economic policy that’s been put in place. Are we worried about what Washington’s doing and the impact that it’s having on the state of Texas and the recession that it’s pushing Texas farther into? Absolutely.

Watch it:

Perry admitted that Texas has been “shedding jobs” in the oil and gas industries and pins the blame on federal decision-makers. And while he considered rejecting “burden[some]” stimulus money and continues slamming Washington’s response to the recession, the Fort Worth Star-Telegram reports that Texas was only able to balance its budget and pad its rainy day fund because of “an infusion of about $12.1 billion in [federal] stimulus funds” which “saved the day.”

Cross-posted at Think Progress.

Yglesias

Recovery FAIL

What’s so striking about this chart from CBPP is that not only is the current recession bad, but we never even regained the heights of the previous economic peak:

9-10-09pov-f1

This is basically without precedent in U.S. history. And it’s worth noting that even though the general ups and downs of the economy are largely a global phenomenon, this specific issue isn’t. The UK is now mired in a recession and Labour will almost certainly lose the next election. But during the expansion, inequality declined in Britain and Labour took a huge chunk out of child poverty. Both countries floated up and then down on the strength of a finance bubble, but Britain put its boom years to good use. In the U.S., even the boom was not very favorable to most people.

Health

Why Do So Many Grassley Amendments Benefit The Health Care Industry?

grassleyisnothealthreform

Most of the Republican amendments to Sen. Max Baucus’s (D-MT) mark seek to obstruct legitimate debate, but Sen. Chuck Grassley’s (R-IA) amendments suggest that the ranking member of the Senate Finance Committee won’t support reform legislation that undermines interests of the health care industry.

Grassley, who has spent his entire summer attacking reform legislation, has offered at least 10 amendments that would directly benefit the health industry, of which he is the top recipient of campaign contributions. According to an analysis of records compiled by the Center for Responsive Politics, Grassley received the most health industry contributions this year – $223,600. Sen. Max Baucus (D-MT) was second with $141,000.

While “there is not a quid pro quo,” Sheila Krumholz, executive director of the Center for Responsive Politics explains, “there is an expectation that a contribution gives you a chance to be heard by the member.” Approximately one-third of Grassley’s amendments benefit the industry.

Three separate amendments aim to protect government’s subsidy of private insurers participating in Medicare Advantage. As a senator from a rural state, Grassley is sensitive about ensuring that his constituents have access to health care services, but his devotion to the 13% subsidy undermines the stability of the broader Medicare program, from which 88% of Iowa Medicare enrollees benefit. Traditional Medicare is actually less expensive to administer and is no less effective than private plans in Medicare Advantage. In fact, according to a Government Accountability Office private plans in Medicare Advantage channel the extra payments into profit, not improved benefits.

Four Two of Grassley’s amendments replace the individual mandate to purchase coverage with a reinsurance policy that would allow insurers to pay into a “reinsurance fund” that would finance very high medical expenses. Without an individual mandate, reinsurance could protect the entire insurance pool from picking up the costs of individuals who purchase coverage after a crippling diagnosis. While ‘reinsurance’ does contradict AHIP’s public embrace of the individual mandate, the scheme would benefit private reinsurance firms (some of which are AHIP members).

Grassley also offers four separate amendments to eliminate fees on health insurance providers, medical device manufactures, clinical laboratories, and manufactures and importers of branded drugs. The industry strongly opposes this fees and is lobbying Congress to eliminate them.

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