ThinkProgress Logo

Yglesias

If You Want Liberals to Like a Deal, You Need to Invite Liberals to the Table

I’m not surprised that liberals don’t like the Simpson-Bowles proposals and I’m not surprised that people who aren’t liberal disagree with liberals about that. But I am surprised that there are people out there professing to be surprised that liberals are hostile to the proposal. But what are liberals supposed to think? It’s a proposal hashed out between a conservative Republican and a moderate Democrat. So of course liberals don’t like it. Imagine the conservative reaction to a deficit proposal written by Lincoln Chaffee and Russ Feingold.

That’s not to say that pursuing a conservative-moderate deal was a bad idea. Self-identified conservatives outnumber self-identified liberals by a large margin and moderates are a much bigger force in the Democratic coalition than in the Republican one. So if you want a deal, appointing an orthodox conservative Republican and a moderate Democrat from North Carolina makes a lot of sense.

But it also makes sense that liberals won’t be happy with the results.

Economy

House GOP Spending Plan Would Force States To Make Deeper Cuts In Education, Housing, and Transportation

In their “Pledge to America,” House Republicans insist that one of the ways in which they plan to reduce the federal deficit is rolling non-defense discretionary spending back to the 2008 level. As Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R-CA) put it when pressed for specific budget items that he would cut, “the line item will be across the board.”

Of course, this practically means that vital and popular programs and agencies — such as Pell Grants, the FBI, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, and the National Park Service — will be subjected to huge cuts. (McCarthy, for his part, gets upset when someone points this out to him.) And as the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities noted, on its face, the Pledge also translates into a substantial cut in federal aid to states, causing those states to be even more of a drag on economic recovery than they are already:

If lawmakers were to cut appropriations for state and local governments by 21.7 percent (that is, if lawmakers reduce those appropriations in proportion to the overall reduction that would be required for non-security programs), those appropriations would be $31.6 billion below what President Obama proposed for 2011. Moreover, House GOP leaders have not specified whether they would include transportation programs in the category of programs subject to the reduction. If obligations for those programs faced the same 21.7 percent reduction, that would mean an additional $11 billion in cuts for state and local government activities related to highways, mass transit, and airports.

To put this into more tangible terms, “If Congress cut federal funding for each state- and local-run program by 21.7 percent in 2011, K-12 education would be cut by $8.7 billion, housing programs by $6.9 billion, children and family services by nearly $2.2 billion, and the nutrition program for at-risk pregnant women, infants, and young children (WIC) by $1.6 billion.”

Due to the deteriorating condition of their budgets and the fact that most of them have a constitutional balanced budget requirement, the states have been a substantial drag on the economy. In fact, cutbacks at the state and local level basically offset the effect of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, so that little net money was pumped into the economy. And state cutbacks also have tangible effects on the private sector: Cisco reported disappointing sales and profits in the last quarter as a result of state government orders falling 48 percent.

Over the last few months, local governments have been hemorrhaging jobs — 14,000 just last month, excluding education — which leads to decreased personal spending and higher social safety net expenditures by states and the federal government. Actually implementing the House Republican vision of the federal budget would simply exacerbate this problem.

Politics

Gingrey Ignores Promise To Reduce Government Waste By Fighting For Defense Program The DoD Doesn’t Want

In the war on Democrats this year, Republicans united behind the pitch for a universal “spending freeze” and “across the boardbudget cuts in their promise to reign in the deficit. Falling in line, Republican Rep. Phil Gingrey (GA) assured Americans that he is “committed to finding ways to reduce” government programs that are “bloated” and “riddled with waste.” “With each new appropriations bill Congress considers, I have to ask myself, ‘Is this a good way to spend tax payer dollars,’” he says.

Given his rhetoric, it would be reasonable to assume that Gingrey also opposes unnecessary defense spending. The F-22 stealth fighter jet, for example, is a weapon designed to address threats last faced during the Cold War. It “has not performed a single mission” in Iraq or Afghanistan, and comes with a $120 million price tag per plane. Coupled with the $8 billion it would cost the Pentagon to upgrade the 100 F-22s already in use, the F-22 landed on Defense Secretary Gates’s chopping block last year. After consulting with other Defense officials, Gates concluded, “there is no military requirement” for creating more F-22s.

Yet despite that, and the overwhelming bipartisan agreement that the plane qualifies as taxpayer waste, and in spite of own his commitment to cutting spending, Gingrey now thinks he knows better than the Pentagon and is calling for resuming production of more F-22s. Not only is Gingrey willing to waste taxpayer dollars on an unnecessary and unwanted weapon, he’s willing to fight his own party to do it, because the planes are built in his state:

The takeover of the U.S. House by Republicans could prompt a revival of the fight for additional funding for the Marietta-built F-22 stealth fighter, U.S. Rep. Phil Gingrey said Friday. This isn’t just for the sake of home-cooking, but also for the sake of the country,” Gingrey said in a telephone interview.

But Gingrey conceded that concerns over spending and the federal deficit could make the funding battle a difficult one. The planes have a price tag of $120 million each. “We would have to look at it with a very, very sharp pencil,” he said. “It would take some negotiating.”[...]

Gringrey says he has not consulted yet with Chambliss on the issue of reviving the F-22. Right now, Gingrey said, he and the rest of the Georgia delegation were focusing their efforts on getting Republican Austin Scott of Tifton, who beat Democrat Jim Marshall of Macon, a seat on the House Armed Services Committee.

Scott, as the only Georgia Republican on the committee, would become the point man for any discussion of the F-22, Gingrey said.

Gingrey’s soft-spot for this boondoggle may have to do with the fact that he owns tens of thousands of dollars worth of stock in Boeing — Lockheed Martin’s partner in building the F-22. And if he hopes to slip funding for the fighter into this year’s defense authorization bill, he’s making a shrewd move in recruiting Scott for the House Armed Services Committee. Scott represents Georgia’s 8th District, which “has a strong military presence and includes the Warner Robins Air Logistics Center, a testing and repair site for the F-22 Raptor.”

But Gingrey is not alone in falling out of step with the GOP’s posturing on spending cuts. Along with the current battle over earmarks, there is an internal “civil war” between “hard-core deficit hawks” like Senators-elect Pat Toomey (R-PA), Rand Paul (R-KY), Mark Kirk (R-IL), and Sen. Tom Coburn (R-OK) who want to cut military spending, and members like Gingrey and Rep. Buck McKeon (R-CA) “who view military spending as sacrosanct.” Even GOP leadership seems to be sacrificing the principle for pet projects. Both presumptive-House Speaker John Boehner (R-OH) and former GOP House Conference Chairman Mike Pence (R-IN) are also ignoring Gates’s advice to cut the “costly and unnecessary” extra engine for the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter in the name of “parochial interests.”

Health

Two New Opinion Polls Find More Americans Oppose Repealing Health Care Law

Two new polls solidify last week’s argument that most Americans don’t support repealing the health law. The surveys from Gallup and AP-GfK chip away at the Republicans’ argument that they have a mandate to eliminate or defund the health law:

- Gallup poll released this morning: 42 percent want to repeal it in some way, shape, or form. 49 percent would keep it or expand it. Significantly, 43 percent of Independents believe it goes to far and should be repealed, why the majority, 46 percent of want to keep or expand it.

- AP-GfK poll released on Thursday morning: 39 percent want to repeal of scale back the law. 58 percent would keep it or expand it. 21 percent want to leave it as is; 38 percent want to expand it.

Last week’s national exit polls found that 48 percent of Americans want to repeal the law, while 47 percent would keep it or expand it, suggesting that neither party has a mandate on the issue. But Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) still pressed on the party’s repeal rhetoric, arguing that Americans wanted to eliminate the law. [W]hether or not the administration has a mid-course correction, Republicans have a plan for following through on the wishes of the American people,” McConnell said in a post-election speech titled “Listening To The People Who Sent Us Here.”

“It means sticking ever more closely to the conservative principles that got us here…And, above all, it means listening to the people who sent us here,” he added. Unfortunately, McConnell didn’t explain what it would mean if his “conservative principles” clashed with “the people who sent us here.”

Yglesias

Interest on Reserves

If the country’s political press could redirect 10 percent of the attention currently being paid to the House Democratic leadership race and the GOP pre-campaign for 2012 to one thing I would suggest the Federal Reserve’s interest on reserves program. Insofar as people pay any attention to this issue, it comes via the suggestion that monetary stimulus can’t work because the Fed has already increased the money supply a lot and all that’s happened is that banks are holding more reserves at the Fed. I don’t think that’s quite right, but the core observation about soaring excess reserves is accurate. But then the analysis just stops.

But it should continue. In late 2008, the Fed for the first time ever said that if banks wanted to hold extra reserves they would get interest payments in exchange for doing so. Then they raised the interest rate. And then they raised it again. Via Scott Sumner, Louis Woodhill makes a very strong argument that this has been a massively underrated factor in producing the recession. The IOR payments led to a steep decline in the velocity of money, which in turn led to a collapse in Aggregate Demand.

Crucially, the Fed has never really explained why they’re doing this. The program was started at a chaotic time when lots of stuff was happening very quickly. At the time, the stated rationale was that the Fed’s counter-crash measures might work too well and prompt a need for a rapid change of course in an anti-inflationary direction. This could be achieved, they said, by hiking the IOR payments even higher. So the Fed believes that IOR payments are contractionary. But obviously nothing has happened in the two years since the IOR payments were started that supports the idea that we need more contraction. On the contrary, we need more expansion. This could be easily tested by cutting the right from 0.25 percent to 0.15 percent and gauging market expectation. But the Fed’s not doing it.

Politics

Bachmann Invites Sean Hannity And Two Radical Tenthers To Teach Lawmakers About The Constitution

Earlier this week, Rep. Michele Bachmann announced her new Tea Party Caucus would host classes on the Constitution for Members of Congress taught by leading right-wingers.  Yet, while Bachmann initially floated Supreme Court Justices Antonin Scalia or Clarence Thomas as possible faculty, she now appears to be setting her sights a whole lot lower:

If tea party darling Michele Bachmann gets her way, conservative broadcaster Sean Hannity, Fox legal analyst Andrew Napolitano and David Barton, a Christian evangelist who has said church-state separation is “a myth,” will make up the faculty roster when the first classes of her new constitutional conservative caucus convene in the next Congress. . . .

“Professor Barton” is a regular lecturer at [Glenn] Beck’s “university.” He has a bachelor’s degree in Christian education from Oral Roberts University and is best known for his conservative group WallBuilders, which teaches that America was founded as a Christian nation.

“Scholars such as David Barton, members of the media who cherish [the founding] principles such as Sean Hannity, honorable commentators such as Judge Napolitano, honorable judges and justices, and leading legal minds will and have been invited to speak,” Brooke Bialke, Bachmann’s deputy chief of staff, said in an e-mail. “Topics ranging from the commerce clause to the intersection of constitutional principles with daily concerns such as Medicare will be covered.”

Of the three “scholars” named, only Napolitano, a former New Jersey judge who hosts “Freedom Watch” on Fox Business News, is a lawyer. Hannity is a college dropout.

Bachmann’s endorsement of Sean Hannity as a constitutional scholar is self-evidently ridiculous, but the sad truth is that Hannity may be the least radical of Bachmann’s three proposed instructors.

Napolitano is Fox News’ in house tenther, and he is a radical even by the tenther movement’s standards.  Among other things, Napolitano believes that President Franklin Delano Roosevelt was a “swindler” who created an unconstitutional program called Social Security.  He also believes that the United States Census is unconstitutional, and he even once claimed that “the 17th Amendment is the only part of the Constitution that is unconstitutional.”

Barton is an even bigger crank.  Although Barton is best known as one of the right-wing “experts” behind the effort to replace Texas’ textbook standards with conservative propaganda, he is also a leading proponent of tentherism who once claimed that the entire federal highway system is unconstitutional.  Barton called for states to place more “controls” on the press.  He supported an Iowa gubernatorial candidate who promised to defy the Iowa Supreme Court’s marriage equality decision.  And he once advised preachers to violate their tax exempt status, falsely claiming that the Constitution would protect them if they did so.

So it’s clear that Bachmann has no interest whatsoever in teaching lawmakers about what’s actually in the Constitution.  Napolitano and Barton are firm believers in the notion that the Constitution means whatever they want it to mean, but they clearly have no genuine expertise on the document. It’s unclear if Bachmann will be able to follow through on her plan, now that she has lost her bid for a spot on the GOP leadership.

Climate Progress

Why Did The Debt Commission Ignore The Carbon Budget?

The co-chairs of President Obama’s National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform, also known as the debt commission or deficit commission, released their recommendations for United States budget policy this week. Nowhere in their discussion of the prospects for the next generation did they mention the challenge of global warming, nor did they integrate climate policy into their economic suggestions. Leaving the critique of the co-chairs’ proposal itself for others, the plan’s first guiding principle is:

We have a patriotic duty to come together on a plan that will make America better off tomorrow than it is today.

One might naively think that the plan would thus address the generational threat from manmade global warming.

The plan purports to reduce the deficit to sustainable levels by 2015 and balance the budget by 2037. Coincidentally, those dates are not dissimilar to what is needed for a sustainable planet. The Copenhagen Prognosis, prepared by top climate scientists in 2009, indicates that for a good chance (75 percent) of avoiding “major societal and environmental disruptions through the rest of the century and beyond,” “global GHG emissions would almost certainly need to decline extremely rapidly after 2015, and reach essentially zero by midcentury.”

Climate scientists have been warning about the threat of unrestrained fossil fuel pollution for decades, and have more recently worked to establish a clear “budget” for policy makers — like those on the debt commission — to work with. Again working with a risk tolerance of a 25 percent chance of catastrophe, the carbon-dioxide budget for 2000-2050 is about one trillion tons, with about 380 billion tons already burned away. Our remaining carbon budget is thus 620 billion tons.

If greenhouse pollution from fossil fuels and ecological degradation continue at their present rate — without any increase, “we would exhaust the CO2 emission budget by 2024, 2027 or 2039, depending on the probability accepted for exceeding 2°C (respectively 20%, 25% or 50%).”

The International Energy Agency has calculated that inaction in 2009 has increased the cost of climate stabilization by $1 trillion, an amount that will grow each year at a faster rate until we have passed the point of no return. As the changes to our climate system that we’ve already experienced demonstrate, we’ve passed the threshold of safety and security.

Unfortunately, most economic analyses of the climate threat, such as the work by William Nordhaus, are not “qualitatively consistent with the much better established science of climate change” and, like the Stern Review, “have understated the potential costs of climate change.” That is to say, economists like Dale Jorgenson use models that tell them that there would be practically no discernible economic impact from rates of warming that scientists say would cause worldwide ecological collapse.

On the flip side, the debt commission and other economists are ignoring the profound economic benefits of action. An analysis by the Center for Climate Studies finds that instead of slowing the economy, household wealth and jobs will grow faster in a green economy. Carbon limits and efficiency-focused policies would have a net positive employment impact of 2.8 million jobs and expand the economy by $154.7 billion by 2020, while US emissions are cut to 27 percent below 1990 levels — if standards consonant with our carbon budget are set.

If a hawkish climate budget is adopted, US investment will flow into jobs and, yes, into drawing down both the national debt and the federal trade deficit. About half the trade deficit — approximately $200 billion — is oil imports. Estimates for the social cost of carbon — what economists believe to be the optimum current price for a ton of carbon dioxide — range from about $20 to $100. The upper range is consonant with the scientific carbon budget of 620 billion tons, as global GDP — all of which is at stake — is $61 trillion. An American market at $100 a ton would have a capitalization of $580 billion — about three times as much as the debt co-chairs recommended cutting from the national budget.

Update

MNN’s Andrew Schenkel notes that the co-chairs call for a 15 percent increase in the federal gas tax.

Yglesias

Germany and China

David Shorr writes from Seoul, South Korea that we should pay more attention to Germany’s trade surplus:

Germany is one of those countries that sells stuff rather than buying. Here’s the point about Chancellor Merkel’s statements: she talks a lot about Germany’s exports as a a success of their competitiveness and not very much about needing Germans to buy more. As with China, Germany is quite happy to chug along with export-led growth, thankyouverymuch. This begs the question — if Americans become less profligate (and households have already shown they can reduce consumer debt — then who will pick up consumer demand where we left off?

I think it’s wrong to put China and Germany in the same box here. The reason is that if you look at the Eurozone as a whole (or the EU-27 as a whole, or various other broader metrics) the overall surplus is pretty small as a share of GDP. Germany is (along with Sweden and the Netherlands) the export-oriented part of Europe sort of like how the Seattle or New York City areas of the United States are the export-oriented parts of our country.

That’s not to say the relationship between Germany, the Eurozone, and the world is unproblematic. On the contrary, it’s a total disaster. The Irish situation is a mess, and the Eurozone-wide growth rate is abysmal which means there’ll be more trouble ahead for Greece, Portugal, Spain, and Italy soon too. When the Euro was proposed, skeptics posited that the labor market wasn’t nearly integrated enough to make it work, but most European leaders forged ahead anyway. The result is an urgent problem, but it’s a very different one from the China situation.

Climate Progress

Study: Leaks from CO2 stored deep underground could contaminate drinking water

“Potentially dangerous uranium and barium increased throughout the entire experiment in some samples.”

DURHAM, N.C.Leaks from carbon dioxide injected deep underground to help fight climate change could bubble up into drinking water aquifers near the surface, driving up levels of contaminants in the water tenfold or more in some places, according to a study by Duke University scientists.

Carbon capture and storage (CCS) from fossil fuel plants has many problems that constrain its ability to be even 10% of the solution to the climate problem (as discussed here).  One of the biggest near-term problems is cost (see Harvard: “Realistic” first-generation CCS costs a whopping $150 per ton of CO2 “” 20 cents per kWh!).

But public acceptance (aka NIMBY) is also a huge problem — one that is likely to grow after the publication of this new study, “Potential Impacts of Leakage from Deep CO2 Geosequestration on Overlying Freshwater Aquifer” (PDF here).

Read more

Security

Republicans Intent On Torpedoing Obama’s Iran Policy

Telling us what we knew, Shaun Waterman reports that the 112th Congress “will seek to hold the Obama administration’s feet to the fire on the implementation of sanctions against Iran, undercutting the president’s diplomatic efforts to stifle Tehran’s nuclear ambitions”:

[A Republican House] staffer, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the Iran issue, and especially the implementation of new sanctions legislation, likely would be near the top of the committee’s agenda. Republicans had “hoped for hearings this fall,” the staffer said. “There is a long list of questions about how [the new sanctions] are being enforced.”

“That witness chair is going to be a very hot seat,” predicted one Democratic government official, who asked for anonymity.

Earlier this year, Congress passed the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability and Divestment Act with overwhelming bipartisan support, expanding existing sanctions against Tehran to include gasoline sales and energy-sector technology. [...]

The Republican House staffer said Republicans would be “willing to call out the administration when we don’t feel the intent of the [Iran sanctions] legislation is being honored.”

Israeli Iran analyst Meir Javedanfar sounds a warning, writing that if the GOP is “truly concerned about the dangers of a nuclear Iran, it needs to help, not hinder, Barack Obama’s approach toward the country”:

The fact is that whatever gripes Republicans may have about Obama’s domestic policies, his diplomatic drive and consensus building in the international community has done considerable damage to the Iranian regime’s global standing, as well as its business interests. Indeed, after only two years in office, Obama has done more to undermine the regime of Ali Khamenei over the course of two years than George W. Bush did in eight.

Javedanfar concludes, “The drive to stop the Iranian regime from acquiring the bomb is a bi-partisan issue. If the incoming U.S. Congress wants a peaceful solution, then it’s essential that it treats it as one.”

But that’s really the problem, as it’s quite clear that those at the helm of Republican Iran policy — which includes many of the same people who were at the helm of conservative Iraq policy — either dismiss the possibility of a peaceful solution, or just place greater value on politically damaging the president than they do on getting Iran policy right. For the second group, the possibility that their aggressive approach could undercut President Obama’s efforts to foster international consensus against Iran and push us down the path to war is just collateral damage. For the first, it’s the goal.

Older

Newer

Switch to Mobile
ThinkProgress Signup Overlay Skip and Continue to ThinkProgress Skip and Continue to ThinkProgress

Sign Up