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Alyssa

Whole New Worlds

Charlie Jane Anders’ exploration of the turning point in the eighties when science fiction movies took the leap and became franchises, rather than one-offs, is a wise look at the commercial developments that shaped the entertainment landscape we live in now. But as much as inevitable sequels to sci-fi movies generally trouble us these days, the move towards franchising also represents a truer understanding of the possibilities of science fiction.

Star Wars couldn’t have ended with A New Hope because the story wasn’t over: the Emperor was still in power, and the conflict between the Empire and the Rebellion hadn’t reached a crisis point. From a more traditional sense, it wasn’t clear yet whether the narrative was a comedy or a tragedy, if it was going to end in what seemed like any of several possible romances, or in definitive defeat. But Star Wars didn’t have to end, and Star Trek didn’t either, because there were still possibilities left in their universes to explore.

The defining characteristic of science fiction isn’t any one character, any one conflict, any one plot. It’s that the story is set somewhere else, where the rules of that universe are not the same as our own in ways that are governed by advancements, or different possibilities, in science. Given that, it’s equally valid to do a one-off story or a meandering, generation-spanning narrative. Good people working within the genre should know what they’re doing, and what its—and their—limitations are. If your motivations for continuing a story are driven by profit rather than the needs of the particular story, you’ll make bad stories. If you make a lot of money off a story that demands three movies, or a movie and a novel series, or a series of cartoons and a lot of comics, there’s nothing wrong with doing good for your wallet and the world of story.

Politics

Coburn: ‘We Don’t Have’ The ‘Extra’ Money Needed For 9/11 First Responders (Updated)

The New York Daily News is reporting that, after a marathon negotiating session late last night and continuing into this morning, Senate Democrats have struck a deal to pass the 9/11 first responders bill with Sen. Tom Coburn (R-OK), who has been blocking the bill because of its cost. Coburn, along with fellow-obstructionist Sen. Mike Enzi (R-WY), managed to extract huge concessions, bringing the total compensation package to $4.3 billion, down from an original pool of over $7 billion. The “time span was also significantly limited to five years each for the health treatment program.”

“I’ll stand in the way of anything that doesn’t make sense and doesn’t spend our money wisely, so you know, it doesn’t matter what the issue is, we’re in such a hole, Jon, that we don’t have the luxury of not getting things right,” Coburn told ABC News today after announcing the deal.

Last night on CNBC, Coburn defended his obstruction of the bill and his insistence that it lavishes too much money on dying 9/11 first responders, saying “we’re spending four times as much money as we need to.” Coburn said that the actual cost of pre-deal bill would be $11 billion (he disputed the way the Congressional Budget Office scored it), and suggested that it was not paid for, saying, “we don’t have an extra $11 billion right now.” Watch it:

Of course, the bill would not require an “extra” $11 billion. The bill is entirely paid for by offsets, some of which were changed at the GOP’s behest. As ThinkProgress has noted, these offsets — which at one point included a tax on foreign corporations — led the U.S. Chamber of Commerce to lobby against the measure.

Meanwhile, on MSNBC’s Countdown last night, guest host Chris Hayes brought on Ground Zero worker T.J. Gilmartin, who recounted his disturbing interaction with Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) on the bill earlier this month. Gilmartin told his heartbreaking story about losing his ability to breath properly after working in the toxic dust at Ground Zero, how he can no longer work, and has “nothing left.” Still, he said he has no regrets about volunteering to work after 9/11. Speaking hypothetically to Coburn, Gilmartin asked, “what about the responders in Oklahoma?” “What are you going to tell them as they get sicker and sicker and start dying and they need help? Are you going tell them, ‘Well, I had a to bicker like a 5 year old in kindergarten’?” Watch it:


Update

The Senate passed a compromise version of the 9/11 first responders bill this afternoon. “The measure was passed on a voice vote with no one objecting after Democrats and Republican critics reached a compromise reducing the bill’s cost from $6.2 billion to $4.2 billion.” The House will vote on it later today.

Security

Executive Order Is First Step In Regaining Initiative On Detention Policy

Our guest blogger is Ken Gude, Managing Director of the National Security and International Policy Program at the Center for American Progress.

The Obama administration’s forthcoming executive order on detention will establish a meaningful review process for Guantanamo detainees held in law of war detention. This type of detention has been endorsed by the Supreme Court and has been consistently upheld by lower courts in the ongoing habeas corpus cases. More importantly, this move will allow the Obama administration to regain some of the initiative on detention policy that has been dominated by Congress for much of the last 18 months.

Legal authority for the detention of al Qaeda and Taliban fighters captured in Afghanistan or Pakistan comes from the Authorization for the Use of Military Force, passed by Congress on September 18, 2001. The Supreme Court endorsed this detention authority in 2004 in Hamdi vs. Rumsfeld, and lower courts have further refined this authority in the numerous habeas proceedings brought by Guantanamo detainees. It is incorrect to claim that this type of detention is unlawful or unconstitutional.

The Obama administration’s extensive review of the cases of Guantanamo detainees it inherited from its predecessor determined that 48 detainees would be held in this type of law of war detention. This Executive Order is a significant improvement on the process, such as it was, created by the Bush administration and in fact goes well beyond what is required by the Geneva Conventions.

Detainees will be represented by attorneys, the review will be conducted by a broad group of agencies — not just the military, and the review board will be separated from those who made previous decisions on that detainee’s detention. This is a real adversarial process that the American people can have confidence will come to the best possible determination about the necessity of each individual detainee’s continued detention.

Make no mistake: Guantanamo is a stain on America, one that seriously weakens our overall counterterrorism strategy. America’s military and intelligence agencies all conclude that Guantanamo provides our terrorist enemies significant propaganda victories and boosts their recruitment, creating more terrorists than it has ever detained. Closing it is a national security imperative and the Obama administration is absolutely correct to continue its push to do that.

Unfortunately, many in Congress have chosen the politics of fear, and tried to tie President Obama’s hands and prevent the closure of Guantanamo. Up to this point, the administration had not found a way to effectively push back. The most important aspect of this Executive Order is that it can be the start of that effort. It will only get more difficult in the next Congress and the Obama administration needs to take back some of the initiative on detention policy, or it risks being forced to return to the disastrous detention policies of the Bush administration.

The process for law of war detention contained in the new executive order is confined to the legacy cases at Guantanamo the Obama administration inherited from its predecessor. It is a genuine effort to establish a workable system out of the chaos of the Bush era that protects both the security of the American people and the rights of those detained at Guantanamo, all in an incredibly hostile political environment. This move should provide the Obama administration the platform from which to hold its ground against a new Congress that appears determined to use U.S. counterterrorism policy for political gain.

Politics

Conservatives Freak Out Over Mild Net Neutrality Laws: ‘It’s Total Government Control Of The Internet’

Yesterday, the Federal Communications Commission passed “network neutrality” regulations, which aim to ensure equal access to all legal Internet content. Service providers will not be allowed to block rival services, nor will they be able to divide traffic to certain sites into fast and slow lanes, thus giving priority to preferred web content providers. The new regulations are still opposed by many open internet groups for not going far enough, and came after years of debate and millions of dollars of lobbying.

The announcement of a new federal regulation prompted a characteristic outburst from conservative leaders, who have consistently fear-mongered against net neutrality regulations as an evil progressive scheme to control the Internet. On the Senate floor, Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) accused the Obama administration of trying to “nationalize” and “control” the Internet; radio host Rush Limbaugh also said Obama just took over the Internet (at the behest of George Soros, of course) and suggested Hugo Chavez would be jealous:

– McCONNELL: Today the Federal Communications Commission is expected to approve new rules on how American access information on the Internet. There’s a lot of people rightly concerned. … The Obama administration, which has already nationalized health care, the auto industry, insurance companies, banks, and student loans, will move forward with what could be the first step in controlling how Americans use the Internet by establishing federal regulations on its use….The Internet is an invaluable resource. It should be left alone. As Americans become more aware of what’s happening here, I suspect many will be alarmed, as I am, at the government’s intrusion. They’ll wonder, as many already do, if this is a Trojan horse for further meddling by the government.

– LIMBAUGH: Today the FCC approved a proposal by chairman Julius Genachowski to give the FCC power to prevent broadband providers from selectively blocking web traffic. And that’s just a ruse. Net Neutrality is not what this is really all about. This is about the feds wanting to control the Internet just as they control the public airwaves. They want to be able to determine who gets to say what, where, how often — they want to be able to determine what search services are providing what answers to your queries. It’s total government control of the Internet, and the regime has just awarded it to itself.

It’s another gleaming aspect of free speech, free market, private industry Obama has decided to take over as a Christmas present to himself and the Democrat National Committee and to Mr. Soros. He’s even beaten Hugo Chavez to the punch. Chavez is just talking about taking over the Internet in Venezuela; Obama has got it done.

Watch a compilation:

Elsewhere, Sen. Jim DeMint (R-SC) tweeted that “unelected, unaccountable Democrat FCC commissioners are taking over the Internet.” Incoming Speaker of the House John Boehner (R-OH) released a statement blasting “yet another government takeover.”

Of course, these provisions do nothing of the sort. Network neutrality rules are explicitly designed to prevent anything like Internet censorship or control — they prohibit providers from being able who gets to “determine who gets to say what, where, how often,” in Limbaugh’s words. In fact, as noted, open Internet groups like Free Press believe the new rules do not go far enough because they do not protect the Internet over mobile devices, and contain exemptions for companies like AT&T. Needless to say, there is nothing in the provisions that would allow the government to censor or control Internet access.

These complaints about network neutrality are almost completely divorced from the reality of the new provisions — but they are nothing new. For months, Limbaugh and Glenn Beck have been sounding these same notes; for example, on May 6, Beck said network neutrality would “control every aspect of the Internet…. We are losing our country.” These claims are wildly inaccurate, but almost exactly mirror the messaging being pushed by the telecom industry and its front groups. Americans for Prosperity has frequently labeled network neutrality a “government takeover.” ThinkProgress has documented how Beck’s statements about network neutrality in particular are almost identical to the industry’s spin.

Update

On Fox News’ “Happening Now” this morning, Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison (R-TX) claimed that now “we’re starting to see the FCC say you have to come to us to get permission to manage your own website.”

Yglesias

The Case for Young Earth Creationism

Atrios: “The issue isn’t that so many people believe in creationism, it’s that they believe in Young Earth Creationism, and that basically scientists y’all MF lying and getting me pissed.”

I sort of see this the other way. There’s absolutely nothing in the scientific record that can disprove the possibility that the world is 4,000 years old. The scientific method makes certain claims about the state of the universe 4,000 years ago. Now assume that God created the universe—fossils and all—to look exactly like that 4,000 years ago. That’s obviously a religious hypothesis rather than a scientific one, but it’s consistent with the evidence and doesn’t anyone to believe in a scientists’ conspiracy or anything. Of course this would mean that God is perpetrating a massive conspiracy, which would be an odd thing for a just and moral God to do. But people believe God’s up to all kinds of odd stuff.

Alyssa

Falling On My Sword

So, my post about The Tree of Life yesterday was cranky, and worse, inarticulate. I ended up sounding silly, and Simon, justifiably, slapped back at me for it. As an apology and explanation, I wanted to lay out a couple of things to do a better job of explaining both my preexisting assumptions and prejudices and what I find obnoxious about this particular trailer.


1. I tend to think of mass-market movies and film as discrete things: all I mean is that I think there’s a difference that’s conveyed by context. Film’s a medium, and it includes things that I would gladly be hypnotized by in a museum, whether it’s looping images of Sarah Palin speaking intercut with Alaskan native dancers or anything by Matthew Barney. If I’m hitting up a multiplex, I tend to expect something a bit more conventionally plotted.


2. That is not to say that I think artistic, experimental, plot-averse, etc. film should go sit in the corner, or anything. I’m all for a world where we see much more diverse things in mainstream movie theaters. But…


3. I think studios and directors have an obligation to sell audiences on those more unusual projects. And I think that pitch has to sell the project on the merits. Most of what I found so objectionable about the trailer for The Tree of Life is that it essentially seemed to tell viewers: “It’s Brad Pitt! And Sean Penn! And it’s deep! And we have arty images!” If Malick’s actually doing something “radical,” if this movie stretches back to prehistoric Earth (all things that have been reported out of it), then that campaign is both a cheat to audiences and an insult to their intelligence. Give us at least a sense of what we’re going to see, and make a strong pitch for why we should want to see that. If that hideously pretentious voiceover in the trailer isn’t part of the movie, it’s very silly marketing. If it is in the movie, I reserve the right to consider it bad, pretentious writing.


4. Additionally, I, very personally, don’t think any director is so visionary that they automatically deserve my time. The movies are a business, and if you’re going to work through the studio system, and get $25 million to make a movie, then I don’t think you’re exempt from explaining what you’re doing and can just expect audiences to just follow along (I’m speaking generally here, not necessarily about Malick). That said…


5. I’ll probably, in perpetuity, watch anything Tony Gilroy makes, without explanation. And the reason for that is this. When I go to a mainstream theater to see a movie, I ultimately worship at the altar of the writing. I understand this is a specific preference, and it is not necessarily correct, and certainly not necessarily the most sophisticated way to watch movies. But I think it’s worthwhile to be honest about it. 


What I really want to see is brilliant plotting and dialogue, and I’m interested in how that gets played out in front of me. Gilroy’s so compelling to me because he can stage something like the opening fight scene in Duplicity, which is a gorgeous piece of physical comedy, and sort of formally stunning in its severe color palate and battle lines of corporate suits, but that also serves the plot and the writing directly, making you wonder why these men are fighting, and alerting you that what follows is going to be both dead serious and very silly. 


I love him because he can work with actors in such a way that a line like “I am Shiva, the god of death,” can sound like perfectly natural speech out of the mouths of both an insane man and a perfectly sane one in Michael Clayton, that he imbues a child’s explanation of a fantasy series with an incredible richness that gives a dignity to it, makes us feel the pull of that fantasy for the person reading it. His language shows us the semi-permeable barriers between madness and sanity and the divine, and he does it in movies about corporations.


I feel the same way about Preston Sturges. The physical comedy in the dining room scene in The Lady Eve is funny, but it’s the verbal translation of the action that makes it brilliant. Something like this sequence:

See those nice store teeth all beaming at you. Oh, she recognizes you! She’s up, she’s down, she can’t make up her mind. She’s up again. She recognizes you! She’s coming over to speak to you. The suspense is killing me. “Why, for heaven’s sake, aren’t you Fuzzy Oathammer I went to manual training school with in Louisville? Oh you’re not? Well, you certainly look exactly like him, it’s certainly a remarkable resemblance… But if you’re not going to ask me to sit down, I suppose you’re not going to ask me to sit down… I’m very sorry, I certainly hope I haven’t caused you any embarrassment, you so and so.”

Is Veronica Geng decades before Veronica Geng, and it’s incredible. Even Buster Keaton, who never gets to talk in his best movies, it’s the writing that matters, the jokes on the title cards, the plotting that creates a mirror image of all the gags.


Anyway, I’m way off-topic here. All I meant to say is that when it comes to the movies, rather than film as a whole, the rigor of the plotting and dialogue are the bones to me, and the execution and visual expression of those plots and themes are what matter most. If you want me to love something else, I’m open to it. But I want to be persuaded, rather than pandered to.

Security

Vitter Blames Undocumented Immigrants For Loss Of Louisiana Congressional Seat

Yesterday, the Census Bureau released a new congressional apportionment map which gives more Congressional seats to the South and the West at the expense of the Northeast and the Midwest. One of the states that will lose a congressional seat is Louisiana.

Sen. David Vitter (R-LA) released a statement yesterday expressing his outrage. According to Vitter, undocumented immigrants are to blame for Louisiana’s loss of a congressional seat:

“Even though we’ve been expecting this, the confirmation that Louisiana will lose a congressional seat is frustrating. Last year, I tried to prevent this from happening with my amendment to require a citizenship question on the census and to prevent the counting of illegal immigrants for the purpose of apportionment,” said Vitter.

“Now, Louisiana stands to lose clout in Congress, while states that welcome illegal immigrants stand to unfairly benefit from artificially inflated population totals.

As Vitter notes, last year, he and Robert Bennett (R-UT) attempted to add an amendment to the Commerce, Justice, Science, and Related Agencies Appropriations bill that would require the U.S. Census Bureau to add a question about immigration status to its 2010 survey. According to Vitter, undocumented immigrants should be specifically identified and cut out of congressional reapportionment decisions because they “dilute” the voting power of the rest of the population.

The Fourteenth Amendment clearly stipulates that representation should be determined by “counting the whole number of persons in each State.” Asking a citizenship question would’ve likely dissuaded undocumented immigrants from participating in the Census in the first place. Widespread non-participation would have lead to inaccurate demographic information and costly mistakes in infrastructure, education, and health care planning. That’s why children, ex-felons, legal residents, and several other nonvoters are also included in the census apportionment data.

For those reasons, Vitter’s proposal fell flat on its face. The census questionnaire didn’t include a single question on immigration status. So, it’s odd that Vitter is now complaining that “states that welcome illegal immigrants” are going to benefit at Louisiana’s expense when he doesn’t even have any census data to base that on.

What the new census data does show is that the Latino population is rapidly expanding across the country and will nearly triple to about 130 million by mid-century. Of course, not all Latinos are immigrants and they’re certainly not all undocumented. Yet if Vitter’s race-baiting campaign ads are any indication, the senator of Louisiana has a hard time distinguishing between the two.

Vitter has also failed to acknowledge that migrants — many of them undocumented — have given Louisiana a much-needed population boost and helped rebuild its infrastructure following the devastating aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. Demographers point to the state’s sluggish growth over the past decade that put it “on track to lose a seat in the House of Representatives and one of its nine electoral votes anyway.”

Alyssa

The Band Isn’t Getting Back Together

Given that Mark Wahlberg’s career has really, truly taken off, moving both into comedy with The Other Guys and back into Oscar territory with The Fighter, I sort of doubt he and the rest of the gang will ever get back together to make The Brazilian Job. A sequel to The Italian Job was never strictly necessary, from a narrative or any other standpoint, but in that moment when Ocean’s Eleven squeezed so much fun out of a light caper movie with a sophisticated cast, it would have been diverting. And more importantly, it might have given Jason Statham the opportunity, nay, required him, to be something other than grimly determined:

I still need to see The Bank Job at some point (is Statham only allowed to express emotion in movies with “job” in the title?), but even thought what he’s been given to do is somewhat limited, the man has a body he can put to other uses than mayhem, and an ironical, winning smile. It’s dull watching him stride away from explosions and fight people all the time—he’s beyond aplomb and into boredom:

Maybe he can teach Ben Foster how to walk away from gas station conflagrations with his mouth set and his sunglasses firmly in place, and then go on to other things? And no, voicing Tybalt in the animated movie Gnomeo and Juliet doesn’t count.

Politics

McConnell Tries And Fails To Undermine Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell Repeal In Last Ditch Effort

This morning before a jubilant audience, President Obama signed the Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell repeal bill into law. At the ceremony, Obama said, “We are not a nation that says ‘don’t ask, don’t tell.’ We are a nation that says ‘out of many, we are one.’ We are a nation that welcomes the service of every patriot. We are a nation that believes all men and women are created equal. Those are the ideals that generations have fought for. Those are the ideals we uphold today.”

But yesterday, in a last minute effort to derail the repeal of Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) tried to subvert today’s great civil rights achievement. McConnell tried to attach an amendment to the stripped-down National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) that would have required the Service Chiefs to certify that implementation did not compromise military readiness or unit cohesion. The amendment would have likely extended the current certification process — which already includes the Secretary of Defense, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and President Obama — and undermined the intent of the legislation and the wishes of military leadership. From McConnell’s amendment:

Purpose: To include the Chiefs of Staff of the Armed Forces in the certification required with respect to the repeal of the policy of the Department of Defense concerning homosexuality in the Armed Forces. [...]

At the end of subtitle J of title V, add the following:
SEC. 597. INCLUSION OF CHIEFS OF STAFF OF THE ARMED FORCES IN CERTIFICATION REQUIRED REGARDING REPEAL OF THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE POLICY CONCERNING HOMOSEXUALITY IN THE ARMED FORCES.

Republicans have long sought to include the Service Chiefs because, as a group, the Chiefs are generally less sanguine about repeal than Secretary of Defense Robert Gates and Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Mike Mullen. During their testimony before the Senate Armed Services Committee in early December, two of the Service Chiefs endorsed the Pentagon Working Group’s recommendation to lift the ban, while two others had mixed reactions. Gen. James Amos, the commandant of the Marine Corps, has warned lawmakers that repeal could endanger the lives of Marines. Regardless of their views, however, all four Chiefs said they trusted Gates to address their concerns before eliminating the policy and warned Republicans that expanding the certification process could undermine the chain of command:

Senator THUNE: Do you believe that the implementing legislation, if in fact this moves forward, should allow for the chiefs, the servicemembers, any of you, to certify? [...]

General CASEY: Senator, as I said to Senator Lieberman, I am very comfortable with my ability to provide input to Secretary Gates and to the Chairman that will be listened to and considered. So you could put it in there, but I don’t think it’s necessary. [...] It might take it up a notch. But believe me, I will make sure that my views are heard. The other thing. If you put that into the law, I think it undercuts the Goldwater-Nichols, that we’ve been trying to put the Chairman as the principal provider of military advice. So that’s something for the committee to consider.

Senator THUNE. Anybody else care to comment on that?

Admiral ROUGHEAD. Sir, I’m very comfortable with the access and the input that we’ve had. In fact, as the report came along I could see the changes that we were recommending. So I have no concerns whatsoever about my advice not being heard.

Watch it around 4:30:

Sources close to the negotiations say that Sen. Joe Lieberman (I-CT) objected to McConnell’s amendment and Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) also opposed the measure.

Cross-posted on The Wonk Room.

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