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Japanese People Are Weird

Read this photo caption and tell me they aren’t.

UPDATE: Let me recommend this comment from “Wataru Tenga in Tokyo”:

I agree with those who have pointed out that the real weirdness is the New York Times stooping to the level of this drivel. Unfortunately, it happens all the time with regard to the Japanese. There are certain kinds of articles that appear with regularity about how inscrutable the Japanese are, but almost always reporting things that I, as a long-time resident of Tokyo, have never even encountered. Sure, you can find anything in this city if you dig down deep enough. I’ll bet I could find weird people in New York, too.

Sounds about right.

Yglesias

Bennett and Petraeus

I believe I earned my reputation as a “reasonable liberal” defending Bill Bennett against some bogus charges of racism, but Dave Weigel reporting from the values voter summit, adequately demonstrates that Bennett definitely is a buffoon:

8:53: “We were at war with, let us say it, Islamic fascism.” He’s brave enough to say things the president says!

8:54: Bennett gives praise to our modern hero: “Not Leonidas of the 300 Spartans, but Petraeus of the 300 million Americans. Let us praise Him, Point him out to your children and say ‘There goes a nobel man.’ Perhaps even a recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize. One advantage of giving David Petraeus the Nobel Peace Prize is that he has actually brought peace. And we honor peacemakers.

Let us praise him?

Yglesias

Render Me

Daniel Benjamin tries to reassure me that the Bush administration won’t have the CIA send me off to Syria to be tortured, naming this myth number five about rendition:

5. Pretty much anyone — including U.S. citizens and green card holders — can be rendered these days.

Not so, although the movie “Rendition” — in which Witherspoon’s Egyptian-born husband gets the black-hood treatment and is yanked from a U.S. airport and taken to a North African chamber of horrors — is bound to spread this myth. A “U.S. person” (citizen or legal resident) has constitutional protections against being removed from the country through rendition, and there have been no incidents to suggest the contrary. In fairness, though, the ghastly case of Maher Arar — a Syrian-born Canadian citizen who convincingly says he was detained at New York’s JFK Airport, handed off to Syria and tortured — is way too close for comfort.

Not only is the Maher Arar case too close for comfort, but I don’t understand, in practice, what my remedy is. If, say, my little brother Nick got nabbed and sent to Syria to be tortured, he’d hardly be in a position to file suit — he be being held secretly in a Syrian prison. My dad or I might notice he’s gone missing and maybe Spencer could even rake some muck and figure out that he’d been sent by the CIA to Syria to be tortured and we could sue, thus availing ourselves of the “constitutional protections” to which Benjamin refers. But what if the administration invokes the state secrets privilege as they did in the Arar case? Then where are we.

Alternatively, consider FISA, which granted “U.S. persons” certain protections against electronic surveillance. Well, the administration just broke that law and when they got caught, congress seems inclined to respond with a combination of changing the law so they can do what they want in the future, and granting retroactive immunity to lawbreakers. Under the circumstances, I may have protections but they seem pretty worthless.

Pentagon Pushes For ‘High-Profile’ Convictions Of Detainees Ahead Of ’08 Elections

Today, Air Force Col. Morris Davis, formerly the lead prosecutor for terrorism trials at Guantanamo Bay, tells the Washington Post that “[p]olitically motivated officials at the Pentagon” are pushing for “convictions of high-profile detainees ahead of the 2008 elections”:

Senior defense officials discussed in a September 2006 meeting the “strategic political value” of putting some prominent detainees on trial, said Air Force Col. Morris Davis. He said that he felt pressure to pursue cases that were deemed “sexy” over those that prosecutors believed were the most solid or were ready to go. [...]

There was a big concern that the election of 2008 is coming up,” Davis said. “People wanted to get the cases going. There was a rush to get high-interest cases into court at the expense of openness.”

Davis confirms that discomfort over these pressures prompted his resignation earlier this month. When originally asked why he was stepping down, Davis said that the Pentagon had ordered him “not to communicate with the news media about my resignation or military commissions.”

In the past, the Bush administration has repeatedly played politics with terrorism prosecutions. In 2002, The New Yorker’s Seymour Hersh wrote that the Justice Department went after the case of 9/11 hijacker Zacharias Moussaoui as a “splashy” political trial at the expense of stronger smaller trials:

The Moussaoui case has also contributed to discontent within the F.B.I. over what some see as a politicized Justice Department more eager to have splashy court victories than to protect intelligence resources. One senior F.B.I. official noted, with obvious disdain, that the Justice Department attorneys wanted to use raw intelligence from sensitive, ongoing investigations to bolster otherwise flagging counterintelligence or counterterrorism criminal cases.

Politics also enters into the administration’s decision of which detainees get to leave the prison. For example, two dozen Guantanamo detainees were cleared for transfer last year “even though U.S. military panels found they still posed a threat to the United States and its allies.” “What it says on your passport is more important than what it says in your ARB [Administrative Review Board],” notes the ACLU’s Ben Wizner, underscoring “that European citizens at Guantanamo were among the first to get out.”

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