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Declining Violence

There’s a lot to chew over in this Washington Post feature on the experiences of 1st Battalion, 18th Infantry Regiment, 1st Infantry Division in Baghdad’s Sadiyah neighborhood. Perhaps the most important is what the story suggests about the declining violence in Baghdad (and perhaps elsewhere in the country), namely that the spike in violence was associated with competing sectarian efforts at ethnic cleansing and the decline in violence represents the success of those efforts:

American soldiers estimate that since violence intensified this year, half of the families in Sadiyah have fled, leaving approximately 100,000 people [...] Shiite militias, particularly the Mahdi Army, went from house to house killing and intimidating Sunni families [...] “It’s just a slow, somewhat government-supported sectarian cleansing,” said Maj. Eric Timmerman, the battalion’s operations officer.

This is the basically fraudulent nature of the American enterprise in Iraq. We’re told we can’t leave because of the civil war that would break out or intensify or whatever if we do. But our troops aren’t really capable of meaningfully impacting the result of the sectarian conflict anyway. Instead, they’re just being plopped into the middle of it and exposed to harm, so that when the conflict eventually ends (as conflicts tend to) we can call the results “victory” and stay in Iraq forever. If the violence waxes, that shows the war needs to continue. If it wanes, that shows that we’re winning and need to keep on keeping on. Meanwhile, in the real world the civil war and ethnic cleansing we’re supposed to be preventing are things that have already happened.

Yglesias

Secret Prisons Watch

Whatever happened to the people being held without charges or due process in a network of “ghost sites” (i.e., secret prisons)? Well it turns out that we’re not so sure:

Some have been secretly transferred to their home countries, where they remain in detention and out of public view, according to interviews in Pakistan and Europe with government officials, human rights groups and lawyers for the detainees. Others have disappeared without a trace and may or may not still be under CIA control.

I wonder what Hillary Clinton’s review of executive power will say about holding people in illegal secret detention facilities.

Yglesias

Travel Plans Reconsidered

In honor of his trip to France, there’s been a legal complaint filed against Donald Rumsfeld in French court alleging that he “authorized and ordered crimes of torture to be carried out … as well as other war crimes.” Obviously, this isn’t going to result in a prosecution in the near-term, but I hope Rumsfeld and others involved in Bush-era war crimes will find themselves unable to travel to much of the world and maybe someday some of the younger ones will actually face the trials they so richly deserve. Back in the day I think I’m not the only one who didn’t adequately consider the hypothesis that Team Bush’s opposition to the International Criminal Court might be driven more by self-interest than by ideology per se.

Yglesias

Gordon on Iran

Philip Gordon offered some mostly sensible views on Iran in congressional testimony last week, including the key points that “the United States should also take care to avoid unnecessary clashes with Russia and China, which only make them even less willing to work with issues of importance to Washington.” Also:

Fifth and finally, the United States should complement its efforts to increase the price Iran pays for lack of compliance with the will of the international community with incentives for Iran to cooperate. So long as Iranians believe the United States is implacably opposed to their country no matter what they do they are unlikely to compromise on the nuclear issue. But if Iranians can be convinced not only that there are high costs of pursing nuclear weapons but also concrete benefits for not doing so, there is a chance that an agreement can be reached.

Right. It’s maddening how many people out there seem to think that stopping Iran from building a nuclear bomb is sufficiently important to be worth risking a catastrophic war over, but not important enough to consider worth building a cooperative relationship with the other major powers over, or offering Iran a path to re-normalization of relations with the United States.

Photo by Flickr user Kiapix used under a Creative Commons license

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