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Going Deep in Afghanistan

Fred Kaplan points out that what Robert Gates is asking the Europeans to do in Afghanistan won’t really make a big difference. What’s needed, instead, is something much larger:

What is needed now goes well beyond Germany’s reticence, goes well beyond NATO. What’s needed is a full-blown initiative—military, economic, diplomatic—involving all the nations of the region. It requires imagination, tireless negotiations, heaps of money (in part to pay for other countries’ troops, since we have so few to spare), and some unpleasant deal-making with some otherwise unpleasant nations.

I think this re-enforces what I was saying earlier about Afghanistan. On the one hand, it’s not possible to imagine a global effort of this scale succeeding without stepped-up American involvement. And on the other hand, it’s not possible to imagine Europeans committing in this way to Afghanistan unless the United States is committing itself as well. If we want the Europeans to treat this as a major priority, in other words, we need to act like it’s a major priority rather than as if the idea is for Europe to hold our coat in Central Asia so we can keep throwing more resources into Iraq.

Speaking of which, I recommended Fred Kaplan’s book Daydream Believers: How a Few Grand Ideas Wrecked American Power back when I read it, rather than now when it’s available in stores. Always a mistake. Kaplan is vital reading, as you can perhaps tell from my constant quoting of his Slate columns, and the book is no less vital. At this point, basically everyone can see that the Bush foreign policy has been a disaster. But what’s still not well-understood is why it’s been such a disaster. The book demonstrates that it’s much more than a matter of Bush “blundering” or some such rather — rather, as Kaplan lays out, Bush’s policies have been driven by ideas that seemed right but are, in fact, wrong. Importantly, as Kaplan’s recounting makes clear, the ideas, though wrong, tend to be at least somewhat plausible, raising the danger that the ideas themselves will continue to live in some form beyond Bush’s presidency.

(Of course, my book, Heads in the Sand is also good.)

Bush’s 2009 Budget Is ‘As Good As It Gets For Defense Contractors’

Last week, President Bush submitted his $515.4 billion defense spending budget for FY ’09. Contained within that budget is a windfall for defense contractors — “$104.2 billion for weapons procurement and nearly $80 billion for research and development.” This budget is 7.5 percent higher than the current year’s.

Even Defense experts are surprised at how generous the Bush administration is willing to be with the taxpayers’ money, in light of a faltering economy and deep cuts to domestic programs:

“The expectation has been that it can’t continue to increase as it has,” Phil Finnegan, a defense analyst at the Teal Group in Fairfax, said of defense spending. “But it has surprised everyone to see how long this increase has continued. This budget was a great budget for all defense contractors.” [...]

The fiscal year 2009 budget may be about as good as it gets for defense contractors,” said Steve Kosiak, vice president of budget studies at the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. “We have had eight years of quite dramatic growth in [the Defense Department's] weapons acquisition accounts. Whoever the next president is, it is unlikely that we are going to continue a major buildup.

The administration may get its way on many of these spending requests. The military has dispatched “legions of lobbyists and defense contractors” to Capitol Hill to push for approval. Several lawmakers are actually asking for spending above what the administration requested. Sens. John Cornyn (R-TX) and James Inhofe (R-OK), for example, are lobbying for F-22 fighter planes, even though Defense Secretary Robert Gates has deemed more of these useless planes unnecessary.

A 2007 report by the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform found that between 2000 and 2005, procurement was the “fastest growing component of federal discretionary spending.” Non-competitive and sole-source contractors rose “by 115% from $67.5 billion in 2000 to $145 billion in 2005.”

The biggest beneficiary of the Bush administration’s generosity toward contractors? Halliburton.

UPDATE: Noah Shachtman has more on the Air Force’s astronomical requests, which include $13 million for “dorm furnishings.”

Yglesias

Maybe a Coverup Would Help

The Army asked the RAND Corporation to do a kind of lessons-learned report on Iraq soon after the invasion. In the summer of 2005, after 18 months of study, “Rebuilding Iraq” was done. RAND submitted a classified version and an unclassified version “hoping that its publication would contribute to the public debate on how to prepare for future conflicts.” Naturally, the report was critical of the conduct of the White House and the Defense Department, since the whole thing had turned into a huge disaster so any useful review would need to be critical of the key people.

Apparently, what happened next was that the Army launched a big effort to suppress the report and keep its findings secret. Because, hey, why seek to inform the public when there are asses to cover?

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