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O’Hanlon’s ‘Strategic Patience’ = Strategic Disaster

Our guest blogger is Peter Juul, a national security consultant at the Center for American Progress Action Fund.

For the last five-plus years, America’s foreign policy and national security strategy have been subordinated to a fixation on the tactical problems in Iraq. Pressing strategic problems – the unfinished war in Afghanistan, North Korea’s nuclear program, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and others – have been given inadequate resources, inadequate attention, or both. The U.S. Army is suffering unprecedented strain on its personnel and equipment.

Despite these grave and growing strategic problems, war supporters continue to advocate a tactical argument for an open-ended military commitment to Iraq under the misleading label of “strategic patience.”

In fact, there is nothing strategically wise about maintaining an indefinite military presence in Iraq in the hopes that Iraq’s major political problems will somehow magically be solved. As has been seen in Basra, Iraqis remain all too willing to settle their internal political disputes through violence. Rather, maintaining “strategic patience” in Iraq will lead to a strategic blunder of great proportions.

Continuing to keep 140,000 American has a number of detrimental strategic effects:

– Afghanistan continues to be under-resourced. As Admiral Michael Mullen, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, has noted, “having forces in Iraq don’t – at the level they are at – don’t allow us to fill the need we have in Afghanistan.”

– Iran’s regional position continues to be enhanced. Contrary to the administration’s description, Iran’s best ally in Iraq isn’t Muqtada al-Sadr’s fickle militia, it’s the American-supported Iraqi government – a government dominated by parties with extensive links to Tehran.

– American military readiness continues to erode. Outgoing Army Vice Chief of Staff Gen. Richard Cody recently told the Senate Armed Services Committee that “…our readiness is being consumed as fast as we build it. If unaddressed, this lack of balance poses a significant risk to the all-volunteer force and degrades the Army’s ability to make a timely response to other contingencies.”

Al Qaeda continues to derive propaganda benefits from a continued American military presence in Iraq, while continuing to operate largely unmolested in its safe-haven on the Afghan-Pakistan border.

America needs to rectify these existing strategic problems, not exacerbate them through “strategic patience.” What the United States needs is not more of the same in Iraq, but rather a strategic reset of its policy to set its strategic priorities straight.

Yglesias

Now With Substance

shadesguy.jpg

For a more substantive take on today’s edition of Michael O’Hanlon’s “prominent newspapers can’t stop letting me write op-eds” gravy train, read Ilan Goldenberg’s detailed effort at a rebuttal. To sum up Ilan’s points, however, I would just note that it’s hard to rebut an argument that doesn’t feature a real argument. O’Hanlon lists six things that it would be good to see happen in Iraq, and then proclaims those six things to be a good reason to keep 140,000 American troops in Iraq at a cost of billions per week for the next 90 weeks or so, but he doesn’t explain why doing this will actually help resolve any of those problems.

This, though, has been the time-honored debating ploy of the Iraq forever crowd for years. I recall in 2005 when the troops needed to stay or else there would be ethnic cleansing. So the troops stayed and guess what happened in 2006? Ethnic cleansing. Then when the ethnic cleansing ended, that proved our deployment was working and had to be continued.

U.S. Air Force photo by Tech. Sgt. William Greer

Yglesias

The Arrogance of the Hawks

When you hear that some folks are starting up a “pro Israel, pro peace” lobby organization to provide an alternate voice on Middle East questions to the neoconnish one that bizarrely prevails at the moment in most American Jewish institutions, you don’t expect the most neocon-dominated of American Jewish institutions to applaud. So it’s by no means shocking to read Noah Pollack at the Commentary blog dumping on the new J Street organization.

What is consistently shocking to me, however, is the arrogance and tone of disdain that Pollack and his ilk are capable of mustering for this sort of thing.

Read more

Yglesias

Get Carter

Can we imagine a world in which the Bush administration actually took Jamie Kirchick’s advice and had Jimmy Carter arrested for violating a never-enforced 1799 law? I might encourage them to do it just for the entertainment value. Does Kirchick seriously think this should happen or is this just one of those “it’s Jimmy Carter so you can say whatever about him” kind of situations? I’d say we’re more likely to see George W. Bush on trial in the Hague than Carter charged with Logan Act violations.

Chertoff Says Fingerprints Aren’t ‘Personal Data’

Our guest blogger, Peter Swire, is a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress and served as the Clinton Administration’s Chief Counselor for Privacy.

chertoffHomeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff has badly stumbled in discussing the Bush administration’s push to create stricter identity systems. Chertoff was recently in Canada discussing, among other topics, the so-called “Server in the Sky” program to share fingerprint databases among the U.S., Canada, the U.K., and Australia.

In a recent briefing with Canadian press (which has yet to be picked up in the U.S.), Chertoff made the startling statement that fingerprints are “not particularly private”:

QUESTION: Some are raising that the privacy aspects of this thing, you know, sharing of that kind of data, very personal data, among four countries is quite a scary thing.

SECRETARY CHERTOFF: Well, first of all, a fingerprint is hardly personal data because you leave it on glasses and silverware and articles all over the world, they’re like footprints. They’re not particularly private.

Many of us should rightfully be surprised that our fingerprints aren’t considered “personal data” by the head of DHS. Even more importantly, DHS itself disagrees. In its definition of “personally identifiable information” — the information that triggers a Privacy Impact Assessment when used by government — the Department specifically lists: “biometric identifiers (e.g., fingerprints).”

Chertoff’s comments have drawn sharp criticism from Jennifer Stoddart, the Canadian official in charge of privacy issues. “Fingerprints constitute extremely personal information for which there is clearly a high expectation of privacy,” Stoddart said.

There are compelling reasons to treat fingerprints as “extremely personal information.” The strongest reason is that fingerprints, if not used carefully, will become the biggest source of identity theft. Fingerprints shared in databases all over the world won’t stay secret for long, and identity thieves will take advantage.

A quick web search on “fake fingerprints” turns up cheap and easy methods for do-it-at-home fake fingerprints. As discussed by noted security expert Bruce Schneier, one technique is available for under $10. It was tried “against eleven commercially available fingerprint biometric systems, and was able to reliably fool all of them.” Secretary Chertof either doesn’t know about these clear results or chooses to ignore them. He said in Canada: “It’s very difficult to fake a fingerprint.”

Chertoff’s argument about leaving fingerprints lying around on “glasses and silverware” is also beside the point. Today, we leave our Social Security numbers lying around with every employer and numerous others. Yet the fact that SSNs (or fingerprints) are widely known exposes us to risk.

There have been numerous questions raised about how this Administration is treating our personal information. Secretary Chertoff’s comments show a new reason to worry — they don’t think it’s “personal” at all.

Peter Swire

Yglesias

Surging to Success

Michael O’Hanlon gets a Washington Post op-ed to lay out his surprising view that the surge is awesome and, indeed, is working so well that we can expect to start taking troops out of Iraq in early 2010 if everything continues to be so awesome.

We can start taking them out, that is, if progress is made on such minor issues as “Basra and the south,” “Local and national elections,” “Refugee return,” “Kirkuk,” “A national oil law,” and the state of Iraqi Security Forces. In essence, thanks to the super-duper success of the surge, all we need now is several years of additional war and for all of Iraq’s problems to solve themselves. Mission accomplished!

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