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Alyssa

Former President Clinton Calls For Copyright Flexibility, Crowdfunding, And Creative Sustainability

In a speech that steered clear of policy proscriptions, but that urged a need for creative thinking about copyright and content distribution, former President Bill Clinton on Friday called for further discussion “about the need to give people an appropriate return on their ideas and development of them, and presentation of it, in film and music and in other areas, and the need to give it as quickly as possible to the world.”

Clinton’s speech came at the Creativity Conference, a half-day meeting hosted by the Motion Picture Association of America, Microsoft, and Time Magazine, where participants ranging from House Majority Leader Eric Cantor to HBO CEO Richard Plepler discussed issues in the creative economy ranging from federal research and development investment to copyright. While there was a clear consensus on the first issue, with even Cantor, who has focused on spending cuts, suggesting that the government had a valuable role to play in research and development, some participants spoke frankly, and even harshly, on the subject of copyright.

“So I think a very good business plan [is] here, use somebody else’s content for free, deliver it, don’t pay them anything, and build a $500 billion silicon valley company, and then have cool slogans like ‘We just want to help the world,’” said Harvey Weinstein, co-chairman of the Weinstein Company, appearing to refer to YouTube and its parent company Google. “They’re stealing. That’s what they’re doing. My artists, they can’t be artists if they’re hungry. The starving artist, trust me, that’s a myth. When you’re starving you’re starving. It’s hard to be creative in that situation.”

Clinton, by contrast, sought to establish a different framework in his remarks, suggesting that the conflict in creating copyright policy was not between who should be allowed to profit from the creation of individual work, from music to pharmaceutical development, but between balancing the interests of content finding a wide audience and making it sustainable to develop. “We have to keep struggling to find the right balance between creativity, broadly and quickly shared, and as widely understood as possible, and making it reasonably profitable for people to be creatives,” Clinton argued. As one example, he praised Saint Jude’s Children’s Research Hospital, which does not accept fees for services, but encourages patients whose families can pay to make ongoing donations to the institution, and which voluntarily makes public significant amounts of its data to aid in drug development.
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Alyssa

From Second Screens To Dramatically Delayed Watching, Three Reasons The TV Model Could Fall Off A Cliff

I was lucky enough to spend some time at Swarthmore College last week thanks to a kind invitation from the Swarthmore Feminists to talk about sexuality and television, but the real treat for me was a chance to sit and chat with the students there about what television they watch, and how they watch it. Keeping in mind, of course, that this is hardly a representative sample size, that college students aren’t at the height of their purchasing power, and that it isn’t always easy to set up cable subscriptions on campus, it was still a revealing conversation, and one that did more to convince me than cord-cutting numbers have thus far that television could face a comparatively sudden realignment of its business model as a generation of television watchers comes of age, and turns out not to watch television live, in the timeslot, or through the conventional means of accessing television programming at all. I was struck by three key takeaways in particular:

1. If They Own Television Sets, It’s Mostly For Gaming: I didn’t really develop the habits of a television viewer until I’d graduated from college and had access to cable for the first time, but even then, I owned a television, and my sense was that most rooms had one, if only to watch DVDs. DVD drives didn’t come standard on laptops at the time I purchased my first one, tablets were a theoretical product, and streaming video wasn’t a commercial-ready product that could support long clips and heavy usage. Now, with all of those things standard, televisions are less a primary means of watching video content than large objects that take up space in a single or a common room. If you’re serious about video games, they might be a necessity. But all the Swarthmore students I talked to were building their habits as television viewers through their interactions with Netflix and Hulu, rather than with channel surfing. And that means a very different, and much more highly curated user experience. Television watching is a habit as much as it is an optimal consumer experience, and if it’s not developed early, there’s no reason to believe it will remain primary.

2. They Don’t Feel Any Real Hesitation About Pirating Content On Either Moral Or Quality Grounds: Only one of the students I talked to said she avoided watching content that had been illicitly downloaded on moral grounds, and she admitted that her refusal to watch movies or television that hadn’t been paid for or borrowed in some licit way marked her as something of a square. The consensus seemed to be that television networks and studios don’t really need the students’ money, that someone else is putting up the money to support the continued production of content. I obviously think that’s a fairly shortsighted perspective, but it’s illustrative of how deeply it’s taken hold as a convenient excuse for not purchasing content.

3. They Don’t Care When They See Whole Seasons, Much Less Individual Episodes: This was probably the consensus opinion that hit me hardest: the students were very comfortable with watching not just episodes of television but whole seasons of television long after they’d aired. Neither the prospect of so-called spoilers, nor the desire to engage in a cultural conversation tied temporally to air dates seemed to matter very much. And that seems like it should scare television producers more than anything else. If there’s no such thing as must-see-TV, whether it’s the old expectation that viewers wouldn’t see every episode of their favorite shows, or the modern one where it’s expected that we’ll tune in to every episode of long-arc narratives, then it’s hard to see what the television business model is at all.

Alyssa

Why The Judge Who Struck Down Digital First Sale In New York Isn’t Helping The Copyright Debate

For those of you who were hoping that we might figure out a sane way to resell digital content in the same way there’s a thriving secondary market for used books, CDs, and movies, seem about to be disappointed after a New York judge, in a sweeping decision, rejected the idea that files are objects in the same way that other means of delivering content are:

The company believed that the lawsuit that followed was one of “first impression” insofar as the plaintiff — Capitol Records — might wish to have it declared that the first-sale doctrine didn’t apply to digital goods. Supporting ReDigi’s side was Google, which unsuccessfully attempted to file an amicus brief. Other tech companies also had a stake; Amazon, for instance, has gained a patent on a market for “used” digital music and movie files.

The record industry wasn’t seeking a big declaration. In its own papers, the plaintiff only said that letting users buy and sell previously purchased tracks on iTunes amounted to a “clearinghouse for copyright infringement.”
Nevertheless, on Monday, U.S. District Judge Richard Sullivan went swinging for the fences; unfortunately for ReDigi and those hoping for a vibrant e-market of used song files, the judge wound up completely rejecting the company’s position. He did so not only by turning to the law of copyright but also the law of physics, declaring the “impossibility” of what ReDigi was touting. “The first-sale defense,” he wrote, “does not cover this any more than it covered the sale of cassette recordings of vinyl records in a bygone era.”

This strikes me as a decision that goes against the interest of both consumers and content providers. If content providers want individuals to get on board with the idea that files are property, and that the transfer of them without compensation causes damage to creators, an important part of that idea is that files are distinct objects, rather than ephemera that can be copied at no loss to them from a production standpoint, or loss of their ability to sell other downloads. I also am not sure how Judge Sullivan’s understanding of physics transfer to cyberspace, but perhaps he’s never bumped up against the memory limits of an iPhone before. From a business standpoint, it would obviously be preferable to content companies if they were the only people who retained the right to sell those objects. But that’s an idea they had to surrender on with physical objects a long time ago, learning that it creates a more stable market and preserves product standards to let people resell objects they’ve purchased than to block the first sale doctrine and see illicit copies of textbooks, burned CDs, or bootlegged VHS and DVD copies of movies begin circulating among people who aren’t actually a market for those products in their new, unused form.

Digital resale, I’d think, actually represents an opportunity for content companies to get more of their money back from resale than the resale of physical objects. If resale can be brokered through the original venues that sold the tracks, movies, or books, those venues could write contracts with publishers, studios, and record labels that let artists and content companies get some money back from those resales, along with both the sellers and the venues. A stable and brokered secondary market is probably the only way to guarantee that people who sell files will really get them off their computers—I imagine iTunes could write its code such that if you resell a track through the service, then try to upload it to iTunes without paying for it again, the file would be disabled and you’d get a warning, in the same way Amazon could probably scrub all versions of a track you’ve resold from its cloud storage. Having both sides in the digital content debate acknowledge that files are objects could produce a kind of detente, in which content companies grant consumers some more rights to do what they want with the objects they’ve purchased in exchange for consumers’ acknowledging that if they’re getting money off resale, there is in fact value in individual copies of files.

Economy

The White House Agrees: It’s Time to Legalize Cell Phone Unlocking

Two weeks ago, a petition asking the White House to act on a recent Library of Congress decision that restricted consumer use of cell phones reached the required threshold for a response. The administration replied today by agreeing that it’s time to legalize cell phone unlocking:

The White House agrees with the 114,000+ of you who believe that consumers should be able to unlock their cell phones without risking criminal or other penalties. In fact, we believe the same principle should also apply to tablets, which are increasingly similar to smart phones. And if you have paid for your mobile device, and aren’t bound by a service agreement or other obligation, you should be able to use it on another network. It’s common sense, crucial for protecting consumer choice, and important for ensuring we continue to have the vibrant, competitive wireless market that delivers innovative products and solid service to meet consumers’ needs.

This is particularly important for secondhand or other mobile devices that you might buy or receive as a gift, and want to activate on the wireless network that meets your needs — even if it isn’t the one on which the device was first activated. All consumers deserve that flexibility.

Cell phone unlocking — allowing consumers control over the phone they paid for, like the ability to switch carriers but use the same device, or swap out their SIM card to avoid excessive roaming charges overseas — is prohibited under a provision of the Digital Millenium Copyright Act (DCMA) that covers digital locks. The Library of Congress had previously issued exceptions to the provision in 2006 and 2010, but denied an renewal of the exception in fall of 2012.

While the White House cannot reverse the decision due a jurisdictional dispute outlined in the Library of Congress’ response to the White House statement, the White House endorsed a range of options to change the status quo, including “narrow legislative fixes” and examination of the issue by the Federal Communication Commission (FCC). FCC Chairman Julius Genachowski also issued a statement today confirming they are looking into the issue because “it doesn’t pass the common sense test” among other reasons.

Economy

How Corporations Score Big Profits By Limiting Access To Publicly Funded Academic Research

"Red and blue liquids inside graduated test tubes" by Horia Varlan used under a Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 license

Here’s how the academic publishing industry works: Academics do research (frequently supported by public funds) and submit that research to journals, often paying “$600-$2,000 to either the publisher or the academic society that owns the journal” for the privilege of publication. Then journals send the research back out to other academics to be reviewed (typically pro-bono–a 2008 study estimated the worldwide worth of unpaid peer review was £1.9 billion a year), and the (often for-profit) journal publishers sell access to the published research, mostly to the academic institutions who do the majority of basic research.

The system is big business: The largest of the for profit academic publishers, Elsevier, reportedly earned over $1 billion in profits in 2011 with a profit margin around 35 percent and 71 percent of their revenue coming from academic customers like university libraries.

But the rapid inflation of journal subscription prices–the per subscription cost rose by 215% between 1986 and 2003–has left many of those universities struggling to keep up. In a statement last spring, the Harvard Faculty Council called rising costs to maintain access to scholarly works “untenable” and the University of California San Francisco Library spends 85 percent of their collection budget on journal subscriptions, but “[d]espite cancelling the print component of more than 100 journal subscriptions in 2012 to keep up with a budget reduction, [their] costs still increased by 3 percent.”

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Alyssa

Illicitly Downloading Content? Your Internet Might Start To Get Slower

If you get your internet through Verizon, AT&T, Comcast, Cablevision or Time Warner, and you’re still downloading music, television, or movies without paying them, you may start feeling something in addition to your guilt. In collaboration with the Center for Copyright Information, a group that includes both those internet service providers, the Recording Industry Association of America, the Motion Picture Association of America, Independent Film and Television Alliance, and the American Association of Independent Music, the companies will let you know they’re watching what you’re up to:

As part of what’s known as the “six strikes” system, the ISPs will deliver to consumers a graduated series of six messages that starts with a warning and ends with some sort of action…While the first two alerts serve as warnings or reminders, the second two require consumers to confirm receipt of the message. The final two, called mitigation alerts, could result in some sort of action, like slower Internet connection or suspending service. The CAS doesn’t specify what consequences ISPs should impose on consumers and leaves it up to each ISP.

The Stop Online Piracy Act may have died last year, but it seems inevitable that internet service providers, as well as search firms like Google, would get into the business of trying to crack down on illicit downloads. Media consolidation means that cable and internet companies like Comcast have as part of their business model creating and distributing original content. An organization like Google seems to be gradually discovering that there’s more money to be had in distributing, if not yet creating, original content instead of merely showing other people where they can find other distributors. In other words, the interests of the people who make content and the interests of the people who help people get to that content are converging.

Whether this is a preferable turn of events for SOPA opponents is up to them. I certainly hope it becomes clearer which providers are levying which consequences as the system goes into place. And from both a business and consumer behavior perspective, it would be great for notices to include information about where consumers could get the same content licitly, though that would pose a formidable technical challenge, and it might feel too invasive to consumers for ISPs to be monitoring their activity at that granular a level. There may always be some consumers who have no interest in paying for certain content, or supporting it by sitting through ads, an attitude I think shows very little awareness of what it takes for that content to keep getting produced, and ISP warnings probably won’t do much to deter those folks. But helping consumers who do understand that nothing comes for free find ways to give their money or their eyeballs to the people who produce and distribute that content—or to let them know when they’ll be able to do so if something isn’t available legally yet—could help change practices. Then, government could be in the position of advocating for well-intentioned consumers, while still letting internet and content companies develop their business models in an organic way.

Economy

Americans Ask White House For The Right To Unlock Their Cell Phones

You probably don’t have as much control over your cell phone as you think: Thanks to a bizarre enforcement of the Digital Millennium Copyright Act that bars “circumventing digital locks“, consumers don’t have the right to unlock a phone they paid for — but a We The People petition that just passed the 100,000 signature response threshold asks the Obama administration to help fix this glaring consumer choice issue.

The petition provides a good summary of the situation:

The Librarian of Congress decided in October 2012 that unlocking of cell phones would be removed from the exceptions to the DMCA.

As of January 26, consumers will no longer be able unlock their phones for use on a different network without carrier permission, even after their contract has expired.

Consumers will be forced to pay exorbitant roaming fees to make calls while traveling abroad. It reduces consumer choice, and decreases the resale value of devices that consumers have paid for in full.

The Librarian noted that carriers are offering more unlocked phones at present, but the great majority of phones sold are still locked.

We ask that the White House ask the Librarian of Congress to rescind this decision, and failing that, champion a bill that makes unlocking permanently legal.

As the petition notes, the heart of the issue is what rights consumers have over a product they own and if the Librarian’s decision protects the profits of big name wireless carriers at the expense of those rights. The Librarian’s office has sided with consumers before on this issue: It granted exemptions for unlocking phones in 2006 and 2010, but following the implementation of the new decision consumers could face up to $2,500 per unlocked phone in a civil suit and $500,000 or five years in prison in a criminal case where the unlocking is done for “commercial advantage” if carriers take the unlocker to court and win.

Despite the popularity of the petition, there is a jurisdictional dispute as noted by Jon Healey at the Los Angeles Times: “The Library of Congress is a legislative branch agency, not one subject to presidential oversight” and “the law provides no avenue for appealing the librarian’s decisions.” And with the President’s legislative plate already filled to the brim with immigration reform and the looming sequester, it seems unlikely the administration will expend political capital on this issue — even if the situation does effect the 85 percent of Americans who own mobile phones.

Justice

U.S. Attorney Defends Her Office’s Conduct In Aaron Swartz Case

U.S. Attorney Carmen Ortiz

U.S. Attorney Carmen Ortiz, who oversaw the prosecution of the late Internet activist Aaron Swartz, released a statement yesterday defending her office’s decision to pursue a long list of felony charges against Swartz for his efforts to download and make public a paid database of scholarly articles. Had Swartz received the maximum penalties for the charges he faced, he would have spent many decades in federal prison. Nevertheless, Ortiz says that her office never truly pushed for such a stiff punishment:

The career prosecutors handling this matter took on the difficult task of enforcing a law they had taken an oath to uphold, and did so reasonably. The prosecutors recognized that there was no evidence against Mr. Swartz indicating that he committed his acts for personal financial gain, and they recognized that his conduct – while a violation of the law – did not warrant the severe punishments authorized by Congress and called for by the Sentencing Guidelines in appropriate cases. That is why in the discussions with his counsel about a resolution of the case this office sought an appropriate sentence that matched the alleged conduct – a sentence that we would recommend to the judge of six months in a low security setting. While at the same time, his defense counsel would have been free to recommend a sentence of probation. Ultimately, any sentence imposed would have been up to the judge. At no time did this office ever seek – or ever tell Mr. Swartz’s attorneys that it intended to seek – maximum penalties under the law.

First of all, everyone interested in this case should read Orin Kerr’s thoughts on Ortiz’s conduct. As Kerr correctly explains, most judges follow the Federal Sentencing Guidelines, not the statutory maximum sentences, when it comes time to determine a convicted defendant’s punishment. The Guidelines called for a much shorter sentence than the 50 or more year maximum sentence Swartz theoretically could have received. Kerr estimates that Swartz would have received, at most, “a few years in jail if he went to trial.”

Nevertheless, while Ortiz’s statement that her office neither sought nor told Swartz’s legal team that they would seek a fifty year prison term may be technically true, the idea that Swartz faced decades in prison didn’t exactly spring Athena-like from the heads of liberal bloggers — it came from Ortiz’s own press release. Shortly after the indictment against Swartz was unsealed, Ortiz’s office bragged to the press that “SWARTZ faces up to 35 years in prison, to be followed by three years of supervised release, restitution, forfeiture and a fine of up to $1 million” if convicted of the charges against him. The charges against Swartz were later amended to include additional counts that brought the maximum possible sentence above 50 years.

So prosecutors probably never told Swartz’s attorneys that their client faced nearly an entire lifetime behind bars. But it is impossible to imagine the dread Swartz must have felt upon reading his own name followed by the words “faces up to 35 years in prison.” A man consumed by fear that he could spend his adult life in prison is in no position to think rationally when a prosecutor — backed by the full power of the United States of America’s monopoly on the use of legitimate force — offers him the opportunity to instead be able to love and live and form a family someday if he signs on the dotted line and agrees to a much shorter jail term. There is little doubt that Ortiz knew this, or that her office did not intentionally pile charge after charge against Swartz in the hope that the full weight of them would cause him to break in a plea negotiation.

And this tactic of intimidation stretches far beyond Ortiz’s office. The sad truth is that this tactic is a common tool wielded by prosecutors — it is just more often broken out against small-time criminals with few resources and no access to the press. As Kerr notes, “[w]hat’s unusual about the Swartz case is that it involved a highly charismatic defendant with very powerful friends in a position to object to these common practices.” If Ortiz’s actions were wrong when applied to an Internet pioneer with famous friends, then they are even more wrong when applied to a minor drug offender whose only lifeline is a public defender he just met.

Justice

Aaron Swartz Faced A More Severe Prison Term Than Killers, Slave Dealers And Bank Robbers

On Friday, Internet pioneer and open information activist Aaron Swartz took his own life at the age of 26. At the time of his death, Swartz was under indictment for logging into JSTOR, a database of scholarly articles, and rapidly downloading those articles with the intent to make them public. If Swartz had lived to be convicted of the charges against him, he faced 50 years or more in a federal prison.

To put these charges in perspective, here are ten examples of federal crimes that carry lesser prison sentences than Swartz’ alleged crime of downloading academic articles in an effort to make knowledge widely available to the public:

  • Manslaughter: Federal law provides that someone who kills another human being “[u]pon a sudden quarrel or heat of passion” faces a maximum of 10 years in prison if subject to federal jurisdiction. The lesser crime of involuntary manslaughter carries a maximum sentence of only six years.
  • Bank Robbery: A person who “by force and violence, or by intimidation” robs a bank faces a maximum prison sentence of 20 years. If the criminal “assaults any person, or puts in jeopardy the life of any person by the use of a dangerous weapon or device,” this sentence is upped to a maximum of 25 years.
  • Selling Child Pornography: The maximum prison sentence for a first-time offender who “knowingly sells or possesses with intent to sell” child pornography in interstate commerce is 20 years. Significantly, the only way to produce child porn is to sexually molest a child, which means that such a criminal is literally profiting off of child rape or sexual abuse.
  • Knowingly Spreading AIDS: A person who “after testing positive for the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) and receiving actual notice of that fact, knowingly donates or sells, or knowingly attempts to donate or sell, blood, semen, tissues, organs, or other bodily fluids for use by another, except as determined necessary for medical research or testing” faces a maximum of 10 years in prison.
  • Selling Slaves: Under federal law, a person who willfully sells another person “into any condition of involuntary servitude” faces a maximum prison sentence of 20 years, although the penalty can be much higher if the slaver’s actions involve kidnapping, sexual abuse or an attempt to kill.
  • Genocidal Eugenics: A person who “imposes measures intended to prevent births” within a particular racial, ethnic or religious group or who “subjects the group to conditions of life that are intended to cause the physical destruction of the group in whole or in part” faces a maximum prison term of 20 years, provided their actions did not result in a death.
  • Helping al-Qaeda Develop A Nuclear Weapon: A person who “willfully participates in or knowingly provides material support or resources . . . to a nuclear weapons program or other weapons of mass destruction program of a foreign terrorist power, or attempts or conspires to do so, shall be imprisoned for not more than 20 years.”
  • Violence At International Airports: Someone who uses a weapon to “perform[] an act of violence against a person at an airport serving international civil aviation that causes or is likely to cause serious bodily injury” faces a maximum prison sentence of 20 years if their actions do not result in a death.
  • Threatening The President: A person who threatens to kill the President, the President-elect, the Vice President or the Vice President-elect faces a maximum prison term of 5 years.
  • Assaulting A Supreme Court Justice: Assaults against very senior government officials, including Members of Congress, cabinet secretaries or Supreme Court justices are punished by a maximum prison sentence of just one year. If the assault “involved the use of a dangerous weapon, or personal injury results,” the maximum prison term is 10 years.

It should be noted that Swartz faced such a stiff sentence because prosecutors charged him with multiple federal crimes arising out of his efforts to download and distribute academic papers. Similarly, a person who robbed a bank, sold a slave, and then rounded out their day by breaking Justice Scalia’s nose would also risk spending the next 50 years in prison, just like Aaron Swartz did.

Indeed, if Swartz’s story reveals anything, it is the power of prosecutors to pressure defendants into plea bargains by stringing multiple criminal charges together and threatening outlandish prison sentences. Whatever one thinks of Swartz’s actions, which were likely illegal and probably should be illegal, it is difficult to justify treating him as if he were a more dangerous criminal than someone who flies into a rage and kills their own brother.

Economy

Republican Study Committee Flip-Flops On Copyright Reform In 24 Hours

For a brief moment last week, a House Republican group that serves as an idea shop for the party was on record proposing a remarkably far-reaching reform of American copyright law. The memo (PDF), written by a young staffer named Derek Khanna, was released Friday afternoon by the Republican Study Committee and noticed by The American Conservative’s Jordan Bloom.

Khanna’s memo begins by laying out the original constitutional purpose of copyright protection and how the current legal landscape has strayed from it. It then proceeds to challenge several widely-held beliefs about copyright law, including the claims that it promotes the greatest possible levels of productivity and innovation and that it represents free market ideals at work:

[A]ccording to the Constitution, the overriding purpose of the copyright system is to “promote the progress of science and useful arts.” In today’s terminology we may say that the purpose is to lead to maximum productivity and innovation.

This is a major distinction, because most legislative discussions on this topic, particularly during the extension of the copyright term, are not premised upon what is in the public good or what will promote the most productivity and innovation, but rather what the content creators “deserve” or are “entitled to” by virtue of their creation. This lexicon is appropriate in the realm of taxation and sometimes in the realm of trade protection, but it is inappropriate in the realm of patents and copyrights. […]

Today’s legal regime of copyright law is seen by many as a form of corporate welfare that hurts innovation and hurts the consumer. It is a system that picks winners and losers, and the losers are new industries that could generate new wealth and added value. We frankly may have no idea how it actually hurts innovation, because we don’t know what isn’t able to be produced as a result of our current system.

But by Saturday afternoon the RSC had pulled the memo, citing an inadequate review process and apologizing for the “oversight.” By then the memo had been saved by other sites and widely praised by the tech and libertarian-leaning quadrants of the blogosphere, many of whom saw the proposal as an opportunity for the GOP to energize young and internet-savvy voters while going after one of the Democrats’ biggest allies and fundraisers. Republicans, for example, were much quicker to abandon SOPA last year when protests against the law kicked into full gear.

The memo lists several specific examples of the damage done by copyright law: Stifling the DJ and remix markets in the United States, making the creation of public libraries — and in particular Project Gutenberg — more difficult, and penalizing legitimate investigative journalism. It concludes with suggestions for reform such as significantly shortening the length of copyright claims, expanding “fair use” doctrine, and reforming statutory damages. (Those damages can currently rise as high $150,000 per infringement.)

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