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Immigration

Anti-Tax Conservative Slams Heritage Immigration Study ‘Done By One Guy’

(Credit: AP)

At a Senate hearing held on “Immigration and its Contributions to Our Economic Strength” on Tuesday morning, Grover Norquist, founder of the conservative advocacy group Americans for Tax Reform (ATR) slammed the Heritage Foundation Report for its flawed study findings.

In fielding a question about whether the Heritage Foundation study accounted for the economic benefits that immigrants can bring to the economy, Norquist reconciled his conservative leanings with an admission that the 2013 Heritage report was a re-do of the 2007 study “done by one guy” where “much of the cost that they attribute are there anyway… forty percent of the cost are citizens now so they’re throwing in costs that are already there.” With regards to the belief that Americans are bearing the brunt of new immigrant adults and children, Norquist responded that the welfare system has been insufficiently created as it is even for the Native American population. He stated, “it’s a flawed entitlement program. It’s an argument against having children. It’s a bad argument for not having children, but it’s a good argument to fix the entitlement program.”

To the extent that the anti-immigrant voices has gained traction among Republicans, Norquist a certifiable Republican based on his far-right support of many conservative issues including his infamous no-new-taxes pledge, pointedly bashes the Heritage Foundation report, “Previous number are flawed just like the current one. [The report] added the cost of legal immigrants into the $6 trillion. They added the cost of a 5-year-old legal resident into the cost. It got worse, the quality of the work.” He went on to sharply criticize once vocal opponents who have come around on the issue of immigration reform because of the negative consequences that immigration restriction has created. He took the example of Lou Dobbs, “on Mondays, Tuesdays, and Wednesdays, [Dobbs] complained about immigrants coming into the country. And on Thursdays, Fridays, and Sundays, he complained about outsourcing. People whine about outsourcing. STEM education is one way to help that.”

In the nearly two-hour long hearing, Norquist was optimistic about the passage of an immigration reform bill. He was determined to emphasize that the “$2.7 trillion in gains” and “growth of the economy” would far outweigh the $18 billion “budgetary wash” that was cited in the Douglas Holtz Eakin study. While the original Heritage Foundation report released in 2006 had gained serious momentum among Republicans which ultimately helped to kill the 2007 immigration bill, Norquist’s speech serves to highlight the cold snap that the Heritage Foundation now faces from many prominent conservatives.

Immigration

Heritage’s Fatally Flawed Study Doubles Down on Romney’s 47 Percent

Even though the 2012 presidential election put an end to Mitt Romney’s idea that 47 percent of Americans were moochers “who are dependent upon government,” the Heritage Foundation on Monday doubled down on that thinking, releasing a report that claimed that immigration reform could cost the country $6.3 trillion.

But to believe the Heritage Foundation is to believe—as they say on page 10—that just under 70 percent of all Americans are moochers, taking more from the American economy than they pay in. Only from a starting point that claims 70 percent of Americans “take” from the economy rather than pay into it, can Heritage claim that legalized immigrants would also cost the government trillions of dollars:

Unsurprisingly, a bevy of conservative voices, including Paul Ryan, Doug Holtz-Eakin, Grover Norquist, the Cato Institute, and the Bi-Partisan Policy Institute’s Immigration Task Force (co-chaired by former governor Haley Barbour) have all come out against the study.

The fact of the matter is that Heritage’s study is fatally flawed, failing to account for any changes that might occur after legalization. Here are three examples of how Heritage misses the mark:

1. They do not account for increases in wages after legalization: Previous empirical studies of legalized immigrants (particularly the seminal 1996 Department of Labor study of the nearly 3 million unauthorized immigrants who gained legal status under the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986,) have found that legalized workers see a 15.1 percent increase in their wages within 5 years. Recent research has also found that citizenship leads to an addition 10 percent increase in earnings. And yet the Heritage study only includes a 5 percent increase. Higher wages and citizenship means more tax revenue, and a lower fiscal cost because immigrants will pay more taxes on their increased earnings and their increased earnings will lower the need and likelihood of using social programs.

2. They count children only in the “benefits-received” column: Heritage includes even native-born U.S. citizen children of unauthorized immigrants in their calculations, leading to large expenditures on things like public K-12 education. And yet they fail to consider any taxes that these children will pay, simply noting that “the odds that the children of unlawful immigrant, on average, will become strong net taxpayers are minimal.” But all children are “costly” when it comes to getting a public education—the implicit bargain is they pay back into the system once they graduate and become taxpayers. By discounting any of these future payments Heritage artificially inflates their overall costs.

3. They undercount current and future education levels: The Heritage Foundation report is premised on the idea that people with lower levels of education use more in benefits than they pay in taxes. So the percentage of people that Heritage counts as less educated matters. But they do not account for the fact that once legal, people have a strong incentive to get more education and training, now that they can legally work in better jobs. So even if the current undocumented population is skewed more toward people without a high school degree, the incentives to get more education in the future (especially for people who might need this education to qualify for things like the DREAM Act provision) will mean a more-educated future immigrant population. Past experience indicates that these aspiring Americans would likely take the steps needed to invest in their education. For example, a Department of Labor study that followed the cohort of immigrants that gained legal status in 1986 found that just five years later, immigrants at all levels had made investments in their education.

Taking each of these changes into account would significantly raise the amount of tax revenue paid by legalized immigrants, and minimize their costs. By failing to account for them, Heritage gives a skewed picture of the ‘cost’ to Americans from immigration reform, one that defies logic and believability.

And beyond just the direct costs and benefits from immigration, the report casually discards any possibility of indirect benefits from immigrants, as the newly legalized take their higher wages and spend them in the economy, growing demand for goods and services, helping grow businesses, and creating more economic value — all of which helps the economy. In fact providing legalization will boost the U.S. GDP by a cumulative $832 billion over ten years, creating on average 121,000 new jobs in each of those years. These are benefits Heritage does not even begin to consider, instead attempting to resurrect the divisive “moochers and makers” arguments of Romney.

Our guest bloggers are Marshall Fitz, Philip E. Wolgin, and Patrick Oakford, who study immigration at the Center for American Progress Action Fund.

Immigration

Heritage vs. Heritage: Major Immigration Report Released Today Directly Contradicts Its 2006 Study

On Monday, the Heritage Foundation published a widely panned study arguing that comprehensive immigration reform that allows undocumented immigrants to earn citizenship would cost taxpayers $6.3 trillion, as the population will take advantage of an array of government programs, including, Social Security, Medicare, unemployment benefits, Medicaid, public education, and population-based services like police and parks.

But the study, which comes out under the leadership of conservative former Sen. Jim DeMint (R-SC), is a sharp departure from a “Backgrounder” the Foundation published in 2006. Then, Heritage noted that “worker migration is a net plus economically” and warned lawmakers against succumbing to “a lopsided, ideological approach that focuses exclusively on border security while ignore migrant workers (or vice versa) is bound to fail.” Below is a comparison of the two:

Heritage in 2013
Heritage in 2006
“[F]ormer unlawful immigrant households would likely begin to receive government benefits at the same rate as lawful immigrant households of the same education level. As a result, government spending and fiscal deficits would increase dramatically.” “An honest assessment acknowledges that illegal immigrants bring real benefits to the supply side of the American economy, which is why the business community is opposed to a simple crackdown… Most immigrant families have a positive net fiscal impact on the U.S., adding $88,000 more in tax revenues than they consume in services.
“Amnesty would also raise retirement costs by making unlawful immigrants eligible for Social Security and Medicare, resulting in a net fiscal deficit of around $22,700 per retired amnesty recipient per year.” “Social Security payroll taxes paid by improperly identified (undocumented) workers have led to a $463 billion funding surplus.”
“Many conservatives believe that if an individual has a job and works hard, he will inevitably be a net tax contributor (paying more in taxes than he takes in benefits). In our society, this has not been true for a very long time. “ “Whether low-skilled or high-skilled, immigrants boost national output, enhance specialization, and provide a net economic benefit.
Unlawful immigration appears to depress the wages of low-skill U.S.-born and lawful immigrant workers by 10 percent, or $2,300, per year. Unlawful immigration also probably drives many of our most vulnerable U.S.-born workers out of the labor force entirely.” Studies show that a 10 percent share increase of immigrant labor results in roughly a 1 percent reduction in native wages-a very minor effect… [C]ritics of this type of insourcing worry that jobs are being taken away from native-born Americans in favor of low-wage foreigners. Recent data suggest that these fears are overblown.”
Update

The author of the 2006 Heritage report disputes the 2013 analysis: “Unless they expect readers to believe all this household income (a) generates no productive work (e.g., makes product, mows lawns, nurses the sick, and starts businesses that hire other Americans) and (b) is 100% remitted abroad, consuming nothing in the U.S. macro economy, then the report is misleading.” Like the other fiscal conservatives today, he argues, “The net effect of this Special Report does real damage to the cause of dynamic analysis. For more than a decade, Heritage has called on CBO to add dynamic analysis to its tax reform studies.”

Immigration

INFIGHTING: Conservatives Bash Heritage Immigration Study

The Heritage Foundation, led by former Sen. Jim DeMint, rolled out its new study that estimates immigration reform will cost the economy $6.3 trillion, as “a minimum estimate.” Although anti-immigration advocates will surely cite Heritage’s findings in the upcoming Gang of Eight bill markup, many conservatives have rejected the study altogether.

At a press conference Monday, Heritage economist Robert Rector admitted the study has limitations. “It is not an analysis of the entire immigration reform bill, which is something I hope to do in the future,” Rector said of the 102-page paper. “But this report focuses primarily on amnesty.”

According to Heritage, legal status for undocumented immigrants would cost trillions in Social Security, Medicare, and unemployment benefits, means-tested benefits like Medicaid, public education, and population-based services like police and parks. Because undocumented immigrants cannot access some of these services now, Heritage says costs will “explode” 14 years after the bill becomes law.

The new report contradicts the think tank’s 2006 position on immigration. Heritage then wrote, “the argument that immigrants harm the American economy should be dismissed out of hand” and urged for a comprehensive bill. “A lopsided, ideological approach that focuses exclusively on border security while ignoring migrant workers (or vice versa) is bound to fail.”

Asked about its reversal since 2006, Heritage VP Derrick Morgan said health care and bank regulation caused them to reevaluate immigration. “That was a much different time,” he said. “It was before the experience that we had with the stimulus bill, Obamacare, and Dodd Frank, for example, where you had catch-all comprehensive bills, so we’re much more skeptical of that kind of legislation now. And we’re also a much different economy as well.”

But in a widely debunked 2007 report, Rector argued the immigration bill would cost taxpayers $2.6 trillion. Today’s study manages to double the 2007 estimate because it now includes virtually every program, from education to fire departments, in addition to retirement benefits.

The study stands alone in a field of research that finds legal immigration to be a net plus in tax revenue, education, and higher average wages. As a result, many conservatives do not buy Heritage’s findings, including Sen. Jeff Flake (R-AZ) and Grover Norquist.

“When public discourse focuses solely on potential costs of reform, we lose sight of key economic benefits of a smarter immigration policy,” said a statement from Bipartisan Policy Center’s immigration task force, co-chaired by former governor Haley Barbour. “They start a disproportionate number of new businesses, employing hundreds of thousands of workers and contributing billions to the economy. Newly legalized immigrants would further expand the economy and our tax base, particularly after earning full access to the institutions that helped make America the world’s greatest mobilizer of human potential.”

Paul Ryan piled onto the criticism. “The Congressional Budget Office has found that fixing our broken immigration system could help our economy grow,” he said. “A proper accounting of immigration reform should take into account these dynamic effects.”

Cato, meanwhile, has zeroed in on Heritage’s scoring of the estimated cost to taxpayers. In this report, Heritage does not use the same dynamic scoring methodology that conservatives — including Heritage — typically use. “Heritage’s former president supports dynamic scoring, and now so does the CBO, at least for immigration,” Alex Nowrasteh writes. “For the sake of an honest debate, I sure hope Heritage’s upcoming report does too.” The study also takes a snapshot at immigration, ignoring immigrants’ contributions to the labor force,and entrepreneruship — benefits recently highlighted by conservative economist Douglas Holtz-Eakin.

Update

The American Enterprise Institute also criticized Heritage’s analysis in a blog post this afternoon.

LGBT

RNC Resolution Against Same-Sex Marriage Relies On Junk Science And Heterosexual Superiority

The Republican National Committee is set to consider a new resolution condemning same-sex marriage at its spring strategy session. What is most compelling about the resolution is not the text itself — which reiterates arguments about how opposite-sex parents are best for children — but the citations the resolution uses to defend those points. Each of the documents either relies on Mark Regnerus’s politically-motivated junk-science study that attempts to draw conclusions about the inferiority of same-sex parenting or the National Organization for Marriage’s talking points about the supposed definition of marriage.

Here’s a look at the six points the resolution attempts to make and how the citations simply do not support them.

Defining Marriage For Straight Couples Only

The resolution claims that marriage is based on the “conjugal relationship that only a man and woman can form.” To defend this, the claim cites the Supreme Court amicus brief field by NOM founder Robert George and his co-authors of What Is Marriage? George argues that marriage is about “joining spouses in body as well as in mind,” which apparently only counts when they can procreate — except for infertile opposite-sex couples, who get a pass because their union would still be “apt for procreation.” There’s no logic to the rationale, just a bold claim that same-sex couples’ relationships are inherently inferior.

Same-Sex Marriage Has Been Banned And Condemned A Lot

This argument from popularity reminds that lots of states and lawmakers have jumped off the cliff of discrimination, so it’s okay for the RNC to do it again now too. The resolution cites an op-ed by the Heritage Foundation’s Ryan Anderson, who is also George’s protege and co-author. The op-ed contains the same generalizations about the definition of marriage, again simply suggesting that relationships between men and women are unique and thus should be uniquely recognized — without any compelling evidence that same-sex couples should be deprived of the same recognition.

Government Can’t Change The Definition Of Marriage

The RNC suggests that the government can’t change that “marriage is a natural and most desirable union.” Though of course the caveat of “especially when procreation is a goal,” was included, it’s unclear how wanting to partner with someone to start a family should exclude same-sex couples. The answer can be found in an amicus brief filed by the Center for Constitutional Jurisprudence’s John Eastman, who just happens to also be NOM’s chairman. Eastman argues that since Proposition 8 was voted on by the people of California and reaffirmed a status quo about the definition of marriage, the Court cannot undo it. Of course, this simply isn’t true.

‘It Has Been Proven’ That Parents Do Best With ‘Both Mother And Father’

This claim relies on two dubious sources. The first is another op-ed, this one by Doug Mainwaring, a supposedly gay man and Tea Party activist who opposes marriage equality and is frequently cited by NOM. The particular citation links to the version of his op-ed published by the Witherspoon Institute, which incidentally provided the bulk of the funding for Mark Regnerus’s fraudulent study. Mainwaring claims that children are “being reduced to chattel” by selfish gay couples and that same-sex marriage will “undefine children.” As in the other citations, there’s no evidence of this; it’s just a derogatory smear of gay people.

The other citation is unsurprisingly Mark Regnerus, but not his study. Instead, the resolution cites the Supreme Court amicus brief he actually signed onto opposing the freedom to marry. The brief, of course, cites his study, as well as other studies that similarly didn’t actually measure same-sex parenting — as their researchers have pointed out in objections to such citations. It also tries to criticize studies that actually did measure same-sex parenting, the very studies that the American Sociological Association and a coalition of other major medical associations cited in their amicus briefs supporting marriage equality. Given that same-sex parenting is a new phenomenon, it’s not particularly convincing to claim that the research about it is biased because the studies focused on actual same-sex parents instead of a “random sample.”

Marriage Helps Protect Children From Poverty

This is actually a compelling argument in support of the many same-sex couples raising children. Though the citation is once again the anti-gay Heritage Foundation, it doesn’t even say anything about same-sex marriage or parenting.

The RNC resolution is built on a very weak foundation of junk science and assumptions of heterosexual superiority. If passed at this spring retreat, it would undermine the Republican Party’s new plan to oppose LGBT equality more quietly by sugarcoating their arguments by simply relying on the same anti-gay talking points as before.

LGBT

Puff Pieces Profiling Paid Anti-Equality Activists Plague The Mainstream Media

Many paid anti-gay activists work for an organization connected back to Robert George.

This week’s Supreme Court oral arguments on marriage equality have understandably attracted media attention, but unfortunately the coverage has been peppered with blatant puff pieces that offer a free pedestal for paid operatives working against same-sex marriage. These articles claim to profile individuals who make their living off the anti-equality movement offer little context, instead invite them to share all their talking points without any rebuttal.

For example, last Friday USA Today ran a piece profiling some of the top lobbyists against marriage equality, while the New York Times profiled young conservatives working with many of the same organizations. NPR offered two puff pieces, one similarly profiling various conservatives and another just to highlight Maggie Gallagher’s views on the topic. Almost every individual in each of these stories advocates against equality as a profession. Here’s a list of who they are and how they used their free media pedestal:

  • Brian Brown is executive director of the National Organization for Marriage (NOM).  He told USA Today that “The people are definitely on our side,” even though polling continuesto show the exact opposite.
  • Tony Perkins, president of the Family Research Council (FRC), told USA Today that “there will be collateral damage to other freedoms” because of marriage equality, but offered examples of people who seek to violate nondiscrimination protections.
  • Penny Nance, president of Concerned Women for America (CWA), told USA Today that marriage equality will “lure” people into homosexuality, just like legalizing marijuana, gambling, prostitution, abortion, “or any vice that is legalized.” The article neglected to mention that CWA is recognized as a hate group along with FRC.
  • Archbishop Salvatore Cordileone, chair of the Catholic Bishops’ committee for the “Defense of Marriage,” told USA Today that same-sex couples are inherently inferior, and that the LGBT movement should have a “live and let live” philosophy instead of calling equality opponents bigots.
  • Rev. William Owens, head of the Coalition of African-American Pastors, which is funded by groups like NOM and FRC, claimed to USA Today that marriage equality is “another nail in the coffin for black families,” confirming his role in NOM’s race-wedging tactics.
  • Read more

Immigration

Meet The Alarmists Who Will Try To Derail Immigration Reform

Economists, of all political persuasions, see immigration reform as a benefit for the economy and government budgets. Bringing undocumented workers from the economic sidelines into the mainstream carries economic pluses all around—robust economic growth, better pay and working conditions, more taxpayers sharing the burden, a population of innovators and entrepreneurs, and less wasteful government spending on the current, unworkable, immigration regime.

That hasn’t stopped die-hard opponents of immigration reform from issuing a slew of reports making extraordinary claims to the contrary. These reports use every trick in the book to maximize the claimed costs of immigration, and minimize its benefits. In 2006 and 2007, the last times that Congress debated immigration reform, some studies tried to argue that reform would be too costly for America—even though the non-partisan Congressional Budget Office estimated that passing the 2007 reform bill would bring in more than twice as much revenue as additional benefits paid out.

As the immigration debate heats up, we expect these same opponents of reform  to sound false alarms about immigration reform’s fiscal impact. Here are four alarmists Congress (and the media) should turn a deaf ear to:

1. Robert Rector, Heritage Foundation:

In the midst of the 2007 immigration reform debates, Rector published a study claiming that passing reform would cost the U.S. at least $2.6 trillion. The study was deceptively simple: Rector estimated that the bulk of the legalized population would at some point turn age 67 and retire, and have a net fiscal cost to the government of roughly $17,000 per year.

But Rector only considered costs after retirement, not any of the tax contributions these immigrants made over their lifetime. And he failed to acknowledge the fact that on average all retirees (immigrant and native born alike) use more in services than they pay in taxes. Rector’s barebones analysis attempted to characterize immigrants as an excessive drain on the public’s purse by ignoring the fact that on average immigrants who naturalize receive less in social security benefits than native born recipients of social security.

Outlandish claims are Rector’s forte. Take for example his claim, in 2006, that passing immigration reform could increase the number of new immigrants in the U.S. by 200 million people over twenty years, roughly 25 percent more people than in all of Central America and almost twice the population of Mexico alone.

2. Steve Camarota, Center for Immigration Studies:

Camarota has been arguing for years that immigrants—particularly Hispanic immigrants—use more in social services than any other group. However, he gets to these conclusions through arbitrary methodological choices.

In theory, his study should compare immigrants with the native born. In practice, however, he looks at only a fraction of each population, namely households with children, excluding households that do not have kids. Since immigrants have higher birth rates than native born, Camarota’s method likely captures a larger share of immigrants utilizing social service than it does for the native born.

Equally deceiving is the fact that he does not include basic controls in his analysis. When comparing welfare use—which he sees as an indicator of “immigrants’ adaptation to life in the United States”—he fails to control for differences in household wealth between native and newcomer. A more appropriate comparison would be to see if immigrant households use social programs differently than their native-born peers at a similar income level.

Not surprisingly, the differences between the share of native born and the foreign born households using social services disappear when you take into account income level and compare all households, not simply those with children. And evidence shows that today’s immigrants—including Hispanics—are integrating at similar rates to previous waves of newcomers.

3. Jack Martin and Eric Ruark, Federation for American Immigration Reform:

Martin and Ruark have been claiming for years that undocumented immigrants represent a large fiscal burden on the United States, going as far to estimate the annual net cost of these immigrants at $113 Billion. But like the studies above, this report is also premised on faulty methodology.

First and foremost they inflate the number of unauthorized immigrants in the U.S., and thus inflate the overall fiscal impact. Despite the widely accepted estimates of the undocumented population being 11.2 million in 2010 (the year of their study,) Martin and Ruark claim that there were actually 16 million undocumented immigrants living in the U.S. They arrive at this estimate in large part by including the native-born U.S. citizen children of the undocumented in their calculations.  And because these children are eligible for public benefits, it substantially increases the size of the “fiscal burden” of the immigrant group. But these child-related “costs”—including public education and grants for attending college—are the same investments that Americans make in all children, investments that will be paid off when these children graduate from school, enter the workforce, and pay taxes.

Similarly, the authors include a laundry list of other “costs” to the American taxpayer that are not specifically or only related to the undocumented population:

  • They include the entire budget of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (A quick note of the word “Customs” in Immigration and Customs Enforcement should inform the reader that the agency has other functions.)
  • They include the entire cost of the immigration court system, which also reviews things like claims for asylum.
  • And as an example of just how sweepingly they define “costs”, they include a federal grant for state and local law enforcement efforts aimed at cracking down on activities such as drunk driving, in their fiscal impact of the undocumented.

Most importantly, even if you accept the faulty premise that these “services” are in fact costs, they are only costly because we have 11 million individuals living in the United States without legal status. Passing an immigration reform plan with a roadmap to citizenship would not only legalize the population and remove these costs, but would add a cumulative $1.5 Trillion to the U.S. GDP over a decade, and up to $5.4 Billion in new tax revenue in the first 3 years alone.

Sadly, in 2006 and 2007 these flawed studies circulated around the policy debates. But while it is almost certain that these scholars will use the same methodological gimmicks in the coming months, in the hopes of derailing common sense immigration reform, Congress, the media, and the American public are under no obligation to listen.

Philip Wolgin is a Senior Policy Analyst on the CAP Immigration Policy team, and Patrick Oakford is a Research Assistant in the Economic Policy department.

LGBT

Anti-Gay Organizations Refuse To Address Questions About Same-Sex Families

There’s a polished new guide to opposing marriage equality released by a coalition of anti-gay organizations, whose partnership alone is notable: the Alliance Defending Freedom, Family Research Council, National Organization for Marriage, and Heritage Foundation. The entire argument put forth by the booklet is that marriage benefits children, citing only the thoroughly debunked Regnerus study to suggest same-sex parents should not be allowed to have children:

All people are capable of loving children, but all the love in the world can’t turn a mother into a father or a father into a mother. A child needs a mom and a dad. Children do better when raised by their married mom and dad, and decades of social science evidence show this. We shouldn’t place the desires of adults over the needs of children.

The latest and most comprehensive research continues to confirm what social science has shown for decades: children do better when raised by a married mother and father. The New Family Structures Study by Mark Regnerus of the University of Texas–Austin and a report based on Census data recently released in the highly respected journal Demography supported this idea. Still, the social science on same-sex parenting is a matter of significant ongoing debate, and we shouldn’t let it dictate our choices about marriage.

The Demography report cited here attempted to apply the same faulty methodology from the Regnerus study to research that actually showed that children of same-sex parents perform as well academically as children from other families.

The document is set up in a “Frequently Asked Questions” format, but one question is notably missing: “What about the millions of children already being raised by same-sex couples who would benefit from the legal protections of marriage?” Instead, these groups make their arguments as if these families simply don’t exist — they have to, because they have no answer to the question.

Election

CPAC And How Conservatives Are Killing Republican Revival

We’re told the Republican Party is in the midst of internal upheaval, that conservative intellectuals are waging a fierce battle over their party’s future. It’d be great if that were true.

But if this intellectual free-for-all is having an effect on the party, it’s hard to spot without a microscope. Reformist conservative intellectuals admit that Rep. Paul Ryan’s (R-WI) budget is merely a tired reiteration of his previous offerings. The party’s great new hope, Sen. Ted Cruz, is tilting at the Obamacare repeal windmill as opposed to offering a viable alternative health care vision. And CPAC, the marquee conservative conference that began yesterday, offers Sarah Palin and Donald Trump as star speakers.

The sad truth is that the reformers are outgunned, outnumbered, and outfunded. There’s no serious constituency with clout that believes the GOP needs to substantively reform its political institutions. Until that changes, the talk from conservative thinkers is just that.

Consider how the Republican Party, which once claimed Dwight “military-industrial complex” Eisenhower as its standard bearer, became captured by the conservative movement. Many use the words “Republican” and “conservative” interchangeably today, but that would have seemed bizarre just forty short years ago. The modern conservative movement began as, odd as this may seem to progressives, an anti-establishment movement: William F. Buckley Jr. and the National Review crowd were rebelling against the perception of a milquetoast GOP. What we now understand as modern conservatism’s guiding principles (economic libertarianism, a concern with preserving “traditional” social mores, and foreign policy hawkery) were originally formulated as challenges to the contemporary Republican consensus.

But modern conservatism didn’t take over the Republican Party by sheer force of Buckley’s will. It took a cadre of politicians like Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan, support from the then-young Heritage Foundation, and a major on-the-ground organizing effort to uproot the GOP old guard. As Jonathan Yardley put it in a review of the widely acclaimed history of moderate Republicanism Rule and Ruin, “one of the central things about moderates — and one of the best things — is that they are, well, moderate. Whether they call themselves Republicans, Democrats or independents, they don’t get up on soapboxes, they don’t spend six hours a day glued to Fox News, and they don’t pour out in overwhelming numbers to vote in party primaries. This last factor, more than anything else, is what explains the demise of Republican moderation and the victory (for now, at least) of Republican extremism.”

By my count, that history suggests there are four critical battlegrounds for GOP reform: political leaders, Republican-aligned think tanks, the conservative press, and grassroots movements (assuming, reasonably enough, that capitalists and lobbyists aren’t the reform-minded types). The problem, as a quick survey of the current state of these four areas will attest to, is that there’s no faction any of those sectors influential enough to spearheading a change in the Republican Party’s political instincts or policy preferences:

Political leaders: While there’s ideological conflict among elected Republicans, the issue appears to whether the status quo leadership is ideologically rigid enough for the insurgent’s liking. Take Sens. Ted Cruz, Rand Paul, and Mark Lee — who are described in a National Review profile as “key defenders of liberty and the Constitution,” stepping up “[a]t a time when the Republican party, and the conservative moment in general… is still reeling from an electoral drubbing in November and lacks coherent leadership.” These three Senators all propose pulling the GOP further to the right of the American public; all three, for example, think the wildly popular Violence Against Women Act is unconstitutional. All of them also embody the GOP’s bad intellectual habits and ideological rigidity. Cruz has a proven record of McCarthyite intellectual dishonsty. Paul isn’t the challenge to GOP orthodoxy on civil liberties and foreign policy that people say he is, and he has a particularly revanchist economic agenda. Lee admitted to using the threat of default on our debt in an attempt to rewrite the Constitution along radically federalist lines. The anti-establishment contingent in the House is famously to Speaker Boehner’s obstructionist right. And while there are a few Governors who are marginally more intellectually alive, none of them appear to command the support of a major national reform movement. The Republicans challenging the party leadership are symptoms of the problems GOP reformers are diagnosing, not its cure. The most important source of institutional juice in translating the reform debate into political change looks to be, if anything, militating against reform.

Think tanks: Aside from the libertarian Cato Institue, whose influence among conservatives is almost definitionally circumscribed by its ideology, the two major conservative institutions are the aforementioned Heritage Foundation and the American Enterprise Institute (AEI). Heritage’s new President is former Senator Jim DeMint, famous for being one of the Senate’s hardest of hard-liners and helping fund primary challenges to Republicans who didn’t toe the party line. Conservative pundit Jennifer Rubin (not known for her intellectual independence) wrote that by hiring DeMint, “Heritage, to a greater extent than ever before, becomes a political instrument in service of extremism.” AEI’s President, Arthur Brooks, believes President Obama’s policy views are functionally identical to Marxism and that 92 percent of economists “are not supporters of free enterprise.” The institution’s idea of bipartisan reform on foreign policy is Joe Lieberman, who, of course, already agrees with neoconservative orthodoxy.

Conservative publications: If one wanted to make the case for optimism, conservative publications would be the place to start. Most major publications have at least a handful of intellectually serious and/or reform-minded writers: National Review, despite often hewing to the party line editorially, is the bright spot here, employing challenging thinkers like Reihan Salam, Ramesh Ponnuru, and Yuval Levin. Conservative writers at more mainstream publications, like Ross Douthat, Conor Friedersdorf, and David Frum, are all persuasive critics of the party’s status quo. And a young publication (by magazine standards), The American Conservative, is a vital clearinghouse for critiques of the GOP and ideas for its transformation (full disclosure: they’ve even gone so far in the name of intellectual diversity as to have published me). However, Fox News still dominates the conservative information infrastructure alongside radio personalities like Rush Limbaugh and Mark Levin. New popular outlets like The Daily Caller and Breitbart News have notoriously low, ideologically driven journalistic standards. Sadly, the more reflective publications can’t seem to get the signal through this noise: Jonathan Martin reports that “there is virtually no evidence that these impassioned appeals for change are being listened to by the audience that matters — Republican elected officials.”

Grassroots movements: The big force here is obviously the Tea Party. While the initial impression was that the Tea Party was a libertarian movement, a view some libertarians still hold, the evidence that the Tea Party isn’t offering an alternative vision to the status quo GOP is mounting. Polling data suggests Tea Party members hold social views virtually identical to those of conservative Republicans, leading a group of Harvard scholars to conclude “the Tea Party is a new incarnation of longstanding strands in US conservatism.” This perception is borne out by the candidates it supports; the head of the Tea Party Caucus in the House is Michele Bachmann, and Ted Cruz is one of the Senators most closely identified with the movement. If anything, this suggests that the Tea Party has been an anti-reform voice, as they’ve been active in supporting the sort of leader that’s holding reformers back; that’s why Brigitte Nacos, an expert on the Tea Party at Columbia University, predicted that “there will be something like a civil war within the Republican Party, with the extreme right of Tea Partyers and the Christian right on one side, and those who were formerly the GOP’s mainstream on the other.”

So the GOP reformers have a daunting task ahead of them: they need to expand out from their media base and start influencing conservatives in the grassroots rank-and-file, think tanks, and the political class if they want to replicate the initial conservative movement’s success in transforming the Republican Party.

I’ll be tracking this effort at CPAC for TP Ideas, drawing out the best policy ideas and most interesting portents of change inside the conservative movement from its annual showcase to see if this gloomy situation might be brightening a bit. The first report should drop later today; stay tuned!

LGBT

Conservatives Celebrate ‘National Marriage Week’ With Sexism

Last week, conservative groups held “National Marriage Week,” an attempt to amplify Christian messaging about marriage. Ironically, many of the pieces published for the occasion celebrated the many benefits of marriage, highlighting how the same groups’ opposition to same-sex marriage is in turn a cruel attack on the well-being of gays and lesbians. As part of the week’s messaging, The Heritage Foundation featured a letter from President Ronald Reagan to his son about marriage, then today posted the following graphic on its tumblr excerpting its final quote:

The quote is unfortunately sexist, given that it implies the man is working and the woman is waiting at home. But of course, its use is implicitly heterosexist as well. The Heritage Foundation opposes LGBT equality and regularly publishes arguments against recognizing same-sex marriage, so it would likely not be quick to celebrate the happiness of a gay man who knows he, too, has someone to come home to.

At any rate, however, progressives can agree with conservatives and President Reagan on the essential component of this quote: companionship is a healthy support structure for adults and the core foundation of families and communities.

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