On Tuesday, former Pennsylvania Sen. Rick Santorum discussed the Supreme Court’s recent 5-4 ruling in Ricci v. DeStefano on Frank Beckman’s radio show. The ruling overturned a decision made by Supreme Court nominee Sonia Sotomayor and two other judges on the 2nd Circuit. Though Santorum made the common conservative claim that all nine justices actually disagreed with Sotomayor, he went further than most, claiming that the liberal justices who dissented, particularly Justices Souter and Stevens, only dissented in order to “protect” Sotomayor:
SANTORUM: I could be wrong on this, but believe it or not, politics does inject itself into the Supreme Court and I think there were probably a lot of justices who may or may not have been on that side of that issue, but came down on that issue that way in a sense to protect her because she knew she was coming on the court, had to make sure she could get on the court. And to me, this should have been a nine-nothing decision. You know, there are a couple, you know, like Ginsburg, who is very much like Sotomayor, probably would have felt this way. But guys like Souter and Stevens and you just wonder why are they making decisions like this. This is, you know, identity politics and quotas and race-based kinds of decisions that really have no place in our Constitution.
Listen here:
As esteemed Supreme Court reporter Linda Greenhouse noted in an op-ed this week, the court’s ruling wasn’t really about Sotomayor and her colleagues. “One thing that is clear from reading the Supreme Court’s 89 pages of opinions in the case is that Judge Sotomayor and her colleagues played by the old rules, and the court changed them.” wrote Greenhouse. “Although ‘Sotomayor Reversed’ was a frequent headline on the posts that spread quickly across the Web, it was actually the Supreme Court itself that shifted course.”
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On a conference call organized by the right-wing Judicial Confirmation Network, Sen. John Thune (R-SD) told a group of conservative activists that he needed their help to prevent Judge Sotomayor from being confirmed to the Supreme Court in a timely manner. “We need you involved in this process,” Thune told the call’s listeners, because Senate Democrats “are going to jam through this lifetime appointment rather than provide a full and fair review of her record.”
But Thune sang a different tune when President Bush was in office. Judiciary Chair Patrick Leahy (D-VT) modeled Sotomayor’s 72-day confirmation schedule after the exact same 72-day schedule that was used to confirm Chief Justice John Roberts. Back then, Thune thought this schedule was more than adequate for him to make up his mind:
“Today marks the beginning of a historic and revered process. As we pay tribute to the legacy of former Chief Justice Rehnquist, we see many of the qualities that marked his tenure of excellence mirrored in Judge Roberts,” Thune said. “Judge Roberts brings with him a brilliant legal mind and a profound respect for the Constitution and the Court.
“I urge Members of the Senate Judiciary Committee to put politics aside and allow a fair and efficient confirmation process to work. I look forward to hearing from Judge Roberts and have full confidence his experience and character will carry him swiftly through these important hearings.”
Perhaps Thune is simply having trouble understanding how Sotomayor’s confirmation schedule compares to Roberts’. To help explain this difficult concept to Sen. Thune, ThinkProgress has prepared this helpful chart:

For 25 years, the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit has given employers broad discretion to reconsider a promotion test whose results favor one race over another. Judge Sonia Sotomayor followed this binding precedent when she rejected several firefighters’ claim of reverse discrimination in the now-famous Ricci v. Destefano case, as she is obliged to do as a lower-court judge. Yet, as the Justices showed in today’s 5-4 decision in Ricci, they are not bound by the same constraints that bound Judge Sotomayor. Today’s ruling creates a new standard which says that an employer’s decision to toss out a hiring test must have a “strong basis in evidence” showing that the test preferred one race over another. The Supreme Court has powers that Judge Sotomayor does not, and it used that power today. Unfortunately, conservatives will try to use today’s decision to attack Sotomayor, but these attacks have no basis. Sotomayor followed the law that was in place at the time of her decision in Ricci, and she should be commended for demonstrating proper judicial restraint.
In an 8-1 decision today, the Supreme Court held that school officials violated the Constitution’s ban on unreasonable searches and seizures when they strip searched a 13 year-old honor student because they falsely suspected her of bringing ibuprofen to school. Ibuprofen is the same drug used in the painkiller Advil. The Court reasoned that, because there was no evidence that a commonly used painkiller presented a danger to the student body and there was no evidence that the honor student was concealing drugs in her underwear, the school overreacted by strip searching the student. Although this decision puts school officials on notice that they cannot behave in such a manner in the future, the Court also held that the school officials in this case could not be held accountable for their actions because of a doctrine known as “qualified immunity” (which says that government officials are immune from liability when they violate the Constitution in novel ways that previously haven’t been addressed by the courts). Of the Court’s nine justices, only Clarence Thomas believed that the strip search in this case did not violate the Constitution.
As ThinkProgress reported this morning, Sen. Bob Corker (R-TN) refused to meet with Supreme Court nominee Sonia Sotomayor after she was delayed ten minutes by her recent ankle injury. In the wake of these reports, Corker spokesperson Laura Lefler says that the meeting has been rescheduled:
“Sen. Corker’s meeting with Judge Sotomayor has been rescheduled for tomorrow,” Lefler said. “Sen. Corker was originally scheduled to meet with Judge Sotomayor last week, but when he arrived at the Capitol for the meeting, the Judge was running behind. It was decided that rather than rush or cut short his meeting with Judge Sotomayor and be late for his next meeting, it would be best to reschedule.“
While meeting with Sotomayor is a positive first step, it remains to be seen whether Corker can keep an open mind and consider voting for her nomination.
Despite widespread fears that the Supreme Court would strike down an important provision of the Voting Rights Act, the Court instead handed down an 8-1 decision today that chips away at the landmark law, but allows an endangered provision to survive. The case involved Section 5 of the Act, which requires voting districts that have historically engaged in discrimination to “preclear” any new voting rules changes they make with a federal court or the Department of Justice. Under today’s decision, Section 5 will remain in effect, but voting districts are allowed to “bail out” of its requirements if they can show that they have not recently engaged in race discrimination and are not likely to do so in the future.
Last Thursday, Sen. Bob Corker (R-TN) was scheduled to meet with Supreme Court nominee Sonia Sotomayor. Yet when Sotomayor was delayed because of her recent injury, Corker decided that he had more important things to do than to wait around for a potential lifetime appointee who is temporarily disabled:
Sen. Bob Corker blew off his meeting with Sonia Sotomayor last week. Hobbling along with her leg in a cast, she was 10 minutes late and he said he didn’t feel like waiting. “I decided to proceed on to the next meeting,” he told a Tennessee Press Association breakfast in Chattanooga.
Despite the fact that Senate conservatives had repeatedly vowed to give Sotomayor a “fair and respectful process” that gives her a “fair opportunity to provide full and complete answers” to any questions about her record, Corker is now the second GOP senator to refuse to meet with Judge Sotomayor. Last week, Sen. Jim Inhofe (R-OK) also blew off his meeting with Sotomayor and announced that he made up his mind vote against her nomination in 1998 — eleven years before she was actually nominated.
Corker appears to be the first senator to refuse to deal with Sotomayor’s temporary disability. Most others have been quite accommodating. When Sotomayor met with the Louisiana delegation, for example, Sen. Mary Landrieu (D-LA) offered to sign Sotomayor’s cast. Sen. David Vitter (R-LA) offered the judge a bag of ice and a pillow to ease her broken ankle. Vitter told Sotomayor, “I hope you all note that some Republicans are empathetic, too.” Not all Republicans, apparently.
Though President Obama nominated Yale Law School Dean Harold Koh to be chief legal adviser to the State Department in March, the nomination has languished in the senate; at least one senator has placed an anonymous hold on Koh. Now, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) has told Koh’s supporters that he will bring Koh’s nomination for a vote sometime in the next two weeks, according to an e-mail sent yesterday to members of the “We Support Harold Hongju Koh” Facebook group:
Last night, after yesterday’s phone bank, we got word from inside sources that Senator Reid believes Harold has enough votes, and has decided to file for cloture on the nomination sometime in the next two weeks. While we do not have an exact date yet, it’s an indication that all of your calling is working!
ThinkProgress spoke to a source with knowledge of the situation who confirmed the timeline. Earlier this week, Obama said he had no plans to appoint Koh or other nominees currently blocked by Senate Republicans under recess appointments.
This morning, Greg Sargent reported that the Justice Department had refused to meet with gay rights legal groups to discuss how to move forward on cases involving the Defense of Marriage Act. Now DOJ spokeswoman Tracy Russo confirms to Sargent that the Department has reached out to these groups and will meet with them next week:
The Obama Justice Department has reached out to major gay rights organizations and scheduled a private meeting for next week with the groups, in an apparent effort to smooth over tensions in the wake of the controversy over the administration’s defense in court of the Defense of Marriage Act. [...]
At the meeting — which hasn’t been announced and is expected to include leading gay rights groups like GLAD and Lambda Legal — both sides are expected to hash out how to proceed with pending DOMA cases.
The White House also admitted today that it was “seeking ways to include same-sex marriages, unions and partnerships in 2010 Census data.”
In a surprisingly candid statement, Sen. James Inhofe (R-OK) admitted that his vote to oppose Supreme Court nominee Sonia Sotomayor was a “foregone conclusion” eleven years before she was even nominated:
“That was a foregone conclusion,” the Oklahoma Republican said, citing his 1998 opposition to Sotomayor’s nomination to her current post.
“If you voted against anyone on the circuit (court), I have never been able to see how you turn around when the bar is actually higher and support it at a higher level.” … [T]he senator was offered a meeting with the judge but turned it down since he already had made his decision to oppose her nomination and did not wish to take up her time.
Inhofe’s refusal to even consider Sotomayor’s record as a circuit judge is unfortunate, but it is hardly surprising. During the Clinton Administration, Inhofe would frequently throw tantrums such as placing a hold on every single one of President Clinton’s judicial nominees in retaliation for Clinton’s decision to make a recess appointment, or bottling up every one of President Clinton’s civilian nominees in protest of Clinton’s decision to nominate a gay man to an ambassadorship.
This spring, Inhofe announced that he would filibuster President Obama’s nomination of Judge David Hamilton to a federal appeals court because Hamilton allegedly once forbade the Indiana legislature from opening its sessions with Christian prayer, but endorsed the use of Islamic prayer. In reality, Hamilton held that any non-sectarian prayer would be acceptable, and that such a prayer could be offered in a foreign language such as Arabic.
Ultimately, however, Inhofe predicts his own opposition to Sotomayor will be futile:
“She will be definitely confirmed,” he said, adding that other Republicans will be too afraid to vote against Sotomayor because she is a woman and a Hispanic.
“I’m predicting half the Republicans at least will end up supporting her who might not otherwise because of these things I just mentioned.”
This morning, Attorney General Eric Holder testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee. Ranking member Jeff Sessions (R-AL) slammed the Justice Department’s release of Bush-era memos authorizing the use of torture on terrorist suspects, telling Holder that his “predecessor, Judge Mukasey, and Mr. Hayden,” the former Director of National Intelligence, “didn’t approve of that at all.” Holder reminded Sessions that Mukasey and Hayden were no longer in charge:
SESSIONS: Well it was disapproved by your predecessor, Judge Mukasey, and Mr. Hayden, the CIA, um, DIA [sic] director. They didn’t approve of that at all. … You were willing to release matters that the DNI and the Attorney General believe were damaging to our national security.
HOLDER: Well, one attorney general thought that. I am the Attorney General of the United States, and it is this attorney general’s view that the release of that information was appropriate, as well as the president of the United States. I respect their opinion, but I had to make the decision, holding the office that I now hold.
Watch it:
In 2007, Eric and Sandy Ehlers Mongerson divorced, and a Georgia trial judge awarded custody of their four children to Sandy and visitation rights to Eric. Inexplicably, the judge also held that Eric was “prohibited from exposing the children to his homosexual partners and friends.” Yesterday, the Georgia Supreme Court unanimously threw out the trial judge’s ban:
There is no evidence in the record before us that any member of the excluded community has engaged in inappropriate conduct in the presence of the children or that the children would be adversely affected by exposure to any member of that community. The prohibition against contact with any gay or lesbian person acquainted with Husband assumes, without evidentiary support, that the children will suffer harm from any such contact. Such an arbitrary classification based on sexual orientation flies in the face of our public policy that encourages divorced parents to participate in the raising of their children…and constitutes an abuse of discretion.
Georgia law permits a family court judge to prohibit a non-custodial parent from exposing their child to an individual who could have an “adverse effect on the best interests of the children,” but only if there is actual evidence suggesting such an adverse effect. Yesterday’s decision reaffirms the simple truth that there is no evidence that children are harmed in any way whatsoever by interacting with gay men and lesbians.
Speaking at the annual conference of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 2nd Circuit on Friday, Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg praised the nomination of Judge Sonia Sotomayor to the court. “As much as I will miss Justice Souter’s company,” said Ginsburg, “I was cheered by the next banner headline,” which was Sotomayor’s nomination. Ginsburg added that she would be “glad” to no longer be the only woman on the court:
The nominee will bring to the Supreme Court, as she did to the district court and then the Court of Appeals, a wealth of experience in law and in life,” Ginsburg said. “And I am so glad no longer to be the lone woman on the court.” Implicitly assuming that Sotomayor will be confirmed, she added, “I look forward to a new colleague well-equipped to handle the challenges our work presents.”
(HT: Politco 44)
In the wake of the murder of Dr. George Tiller by an anti-abortion extremist, the very real problem of extremist violence against abortion providers and clinics has gained a fresh spotlight, even though that violence is not new. After the 1993 murder of an abortion provider, Dr. David Gunn, Congress passed the Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act, which made any use of “force, threat of force or physical obstruction” against doctors and patients a federal crime. The law was an attempt to put an end to the constant wave of death threats, acts of vandalism, and clinic bombings.
According to the National Abortion Federation, the “FACE law has had a clear impact on the decline in certain types of violence against clinics and providers, specifically clinic blockades.” Under the Bush Administration, however, criminal and civil enforcement of the law by the Department of Justice declined dramatically, the Washington Independent’s Daphne Eviatar reports:
The day after Dr. George Tiller was murdered, TWI obtained data revealing that under the Bush administration, criminal enforcement of the federal law designed to protect abortion providers and clinics had declined by more than 75 percent over the last eight years.
But there’s also a civil component to that federal law, known as the Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act, or FACE Act. That part of the law allows the attorney general to seek an injunction and compensatory damages for anyone who’s been harmed by any activity that violates the law. And it turns out that the Department of Justice over the last eight years didn’t use that part of the law to protect abortion providers, either.
Eviatar found that, according to DOJ statistics, the Bush Administration “brought only about two criminal prosecutions per year in the entire country under the FACE Act, and never more than four in any single year.” In contrast, under President Clinton the Justice Department “prosecuted 17 defendants for violations of the FACE Act in 1997 alone, and an average of about 10 per year since the law was enacted in 1994.” Evitar reports though that the Bush Justice Department had an even more abysmal record of enforcing the civil component of the FACE Act:
Yet despite these broad powers that Congress granted the attorney general in 1994 to prevent and combat violence against abortion clinics and providers, the Bush administration almost never used them. From 2000 until 2008, during the eight years of the Bush administration, the Justice Department filed only one civil case under the FACE Act. From 1994 until 1999, in contrast, in just five years of the Clinton administration, the Department filed 17 civil cases under the FACE Act — in addition to its much heavier load of criminal cases that we’ve reported before.
Between 2000 and 2008, the National Abortion Federation recorded 3,291 acts of violence against abortion providers and “at least 17 cases of ‘extreme’ violence against abortion providers in the United States, such as arson, stabbing and bomb attacks.” However, the Bush Administration’s Department of Justice “prosecuted only 11 individuals for any acts of violence against abortion clinics or providers.”
Senate Minority Whip Jon Kyl (R-AZ) told Roll Call yesterday that he and his Republican colleagues on the Judiciary Committee may boycott Judge Sotomayor’s hearings if Judiciary Chair Patrick Leahy (D-VT) does not cave to right-wing demands to delay the hearings:
“As the hearing time approaches we will evaluate whether we can make that deadline,” Kyl said, explaining that if Republicans do not feel they can adequately question Sotomayor they will try to meet with Leahy to make a plea for more time.
However, Kyl, who serves on the Judiciary Committee, did not explicitly rule out the use of delay tactics, including a Republican boycott of the confirmation hearings, if an accommodation cannot be made.
But Kyl is not entitled to any more accommodations than what he has already received. Far from expediting Sotomayor’s confirmation process, Leahy set a schedule which is virtually identical to that enjoyed by Bush appointee John Roberts, even though Chief Justice Roberts’ record was more difficult to investigate because it was necessary to track down thousands of pages of documents Roberts produced while he worked in the Reagan and Bush I Administrations, and even though thousands of new documents relating to Roberts were uncovered just two weeks before his hearings began.
Kyl’s threat to take his ball and go home if he doesn’t get his way is unfortunate, but it is hardly surprising. Earlier this week, all seven GOP members of the Judiciary Committee signed a letter demanding that Sotomayor complete a series of irrelevant or even impossible tasks before her nomination may be considered.
Complaining about the Senate’s plans to consider the nomination of Judge Sonia Sotomayor before the August recess, Minority Leader Mitch McConnell told Fox News that obstructing Sotomayor’s confirmation is necessary to prevent a situation like Guantanamo Bay:
“We don’t want to have a situation like they did with Guantanamo where they didn’t even have a game plan,” McConnell, R-Ky., said, referring to the Obama’s administration’s lack of details on closing the detention facility, which compelled senators last month to strip $80 million of funding for the plan from a war spending bill.
“It’s an arbitrary date and it strikes me as a ticket to disaster,” he said.
It’s unclear how the timely confirmation of a Supreme Court Justice resembles the task of closing down an unconstitutional internment camp.
McConnell must not have been paying very close attention during the last eight years. The Guantanamo prison is a quagmire not because of President Obama’s lack of planning, but because of President Bush’s incompetent management of the facility. Because “most physical evidence” documenting why individual detainees were brought to Gitmo “either disappeared or had been stored in locations that no one with any tenure at, or institutional knowledge of, the Commissions could identify with any degree of specificity or certainty,” the Bush Administration made it nearly-impossible to perform the constitutionally required task of determining which detainees must be released.
The truth is this: Judge Sotomayor’s hearings will begin 48 days after her nomination was announced. Chief Justice Roberts, whose record was more difficult to investigate because it was necessary to track down thousands of pages of documents Roberts produced while he worked in the Reagan and Bush I Administrations, received a hearing after only 51 days. The Chief Justice was confirmed 72 days after his nomination, even though Senators were distracted from reviewing Roberts’ record after Hurricane Katrina devastated the Gulf Coast. The 72nd day after Sotomayor’s nomination will be August 6, the day before the August recess is supposed to begin. By confirming Sotomayor according to the Senate’s intended schedule, President Obama’s nominee will receive exactly the same treatment afforded to President Bush’s nominee.
In the end, Senator McConnell’s disingenuous attempts to obstruct Judge Sotomayor have nothing to do with allowing sufficient time to investigate her record. He’s just hoping to buy more time to drag Sotomayor through the mud.
Further demonstrating that no conservative can be so disgraced that they cannot later be published in the Wall Street Journal, Bush-era vote suppression guru Hans von Spakovsky has an op-ed in today’s WSJ claiming that the Justice Department has “spent the last several months misinterpreting key voting rights laws for nakedly political reasons”:
Exhibit A: Justice’s inexplicable dismissal of a civil lawsuit for voter intimidation against the New Black Panther Party. The Black Panthers weren’t content to endorse Barack Obama. They sent their members to the polls last November to “patrol election sites.” Fox News aired a video of two Black Panthers in military-style uniforms in a Philadelphia precinct. One of them was carrying a nightstick. . . . But instead of following through and getting an injunction to prevent this behavior in future elections, the department, now under Mr. Holder, dismissed the lawsuit against all but one of the defendants (the nightstick holder).
Exhibit B: Justice recently stopped Georgia from implementing a key provision of the Help America Vote Act. Passed in 2002, the act requires states to verify the accuracy of information voters provide on their registration forms by comparing it with state driver’s license and Social Security records — a sensible requirement.
Both of Spakovsky’s exhibits have no basis in reality. Although his tale of Black Panthers patrolling polling sites sure sounds intimidating, the real facts are nothing like von Spakovsky claims.
Two African-American men did show up at a polling place dressed as stereotypical Black Panthers, but the Philadelphia District Attorney says that she took no action because there were “no complaints and no evidence” of any wrongdoing. Similarly, Zack Stalberg, Executive Director of the nonpartisan poll monitoring organization the Committee of Seventy, says that the two strangely-dressed men were “off-putting, not quite intimidating.” Indeed, the sole basis for any allegations of voter intimidation are statements by two poll watchers from an organization called “Democrats for McCain.”
In other words, the Justice Department dismissed their claim against the Black Panthers not for some nefarious purpose, but because there wasn’t any reliable evidence showing that the Black Panthers violated the law. Now that Spakovsky no longer works there, the DOJ actually requires evidence before it brings a case.
Spakovsky’s claim that the DOJ “stopped Georgia from implementing a key provision of the Help America Vote Act” is also false. In truth the DOJ halted an illegal voter suppression scheme that systematically screened out “thousands of citizens who are in fact eligible to vote.”
Under the Georgia scheme, new voter registrations were compared to federal and state records to screen for non-matching names, dates of birth, driver’s license numbers, Social Security numbers and to screen for proof of citizenship. Thousands of eligible voters, however, were screened out because a state employee mistakenly entered the wrong information into a database. Once screened out, a voter had to jump through hoops before they could vote:
[E]lection officials can require these individuals also to appear at the county courthouse or office building, not at the voter’s convenience, but rather on a week day, during normal business hours and, pursuant to state law, with only three days notice.
Moreover, African-Americans were sixty percent more likely to be screened than white voters, and Asian and Latino-Americans were twice as likely to be falsely screened as non-citizens, a textbook violation of the Voting Rights Act.
The bottom line is this: during his disgraceful tenure at DOJ, Spakovsky routinely approved state voting practices that were later struck down by federal courts. He manipulated election law to benefit Republican candidates; he retaliated against career attorneys who stood in the way of his illegal efforts; and he even gave cash awards to career attorneys who towed the party line. Now that he is powerless, he is continuing his anti-voter crusade from the pages of the Wall Street Journal.
On Fox News Sunday this weekend, conservative columnist Cal Thomas declared that “as usual,” Rush Limbaugh is “absolutely right” when he calls Judge Sonia Sotomayor a “racist.” Thomas complained that the media has a “double standard” when it comes to covering Supreme Court nominees accused of racism, citing two judges nominated by Richard Nixon — Clement Haynsworth and G. Harrold Carswell:
THOMAS: It is double standard, as usual. Rush is absolutely right, as usual. I went back and looked at some of the Republican nominees. Richard Nixon nominated two justices to the Supreme Court, named Clement Haynsworth and G. Harrold Carswell. Many Democrats denounced both of them as racist, one because he belonged to an all-white country club. that was enough for him. It depends on whose ox is being gored. A racist is a racist. If you think you are superior because of your race or gender, if that isn’t racist, what is?
Watch it:
It’s telling that Thomas mentioned the reasons that only one of Nixon’s nominees was considered racist. As Media Matters’ Jamison Foser noted last week when Pat Buchanan laughed about his support for Carswell, the judge’s nomination ran into trouble when “a blatantly racist” speech he delivered was revealed. “I believe that segregation of the races is proper … and the only practical and correct way of life in our states. I yield to no man in the firm, vigorous belief in the principles of white supremacy and I shall always be so governed,” said Carswell at an American Legion gathering.
When West Virginia coal overlord Don Blankenship’s company lost a $50 million verdict to one of its competitors, Blankenship set out to buy a judge. Rather than appeal his case to a fair tribunal, Blankenship spent $3 million to elect a friendly lawyer to the West Virginia Supreme Court, even running ads accusing the lawyer’s opponent of voting to free an incarcerated child rapist, and of allowing that rapist to work in a public school. Once elected by a Blankenship-funded campaign, the newly-minted justice cast the deciding vote overturning the verdict against Blankenship’s company.
Today, the Supreme Court held that this kind of justice-for-sale bribery has no place under the United States Constitution. But all four of the Court’s most conservative members voted that there is no problem when a wealthy businessman literally buys a judge. In a dissent joined by conservative justices Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, and Samuel Alito, Chief Justice John Roberts argued that this decision — on a case so egregious that John Grisham turned it into a legal thriller — would encourage “groundless” charges that other “judges are biased”:
The Court’s new “rule” provides no guidance to judges and litigants about when recusal will be constitutionally required. This will inevitably lead to an increase in allegations that judges are biased, however groundless those charges may be. The end result will do far more to erode public confidence in judicial impartiality than an isolated failure to recuse in a particular case.
Although the result in this narrowly-decided case hinges on the vote of retiring Justice David Souter, it appears that Supreme Court nominee Judge Sonia Sotomayor agrees with Souter that judges cannot be for sale. In a 1996 speech, Sotomayor argued that “[w]e would never condone private gifts to judges about to decide a case implicating the gift-givers’ interests,” yet “our system of election financing permits extensive private, including corporate, financing of candidates’ campaigns, raising again and again the question what the difference is between contributions and bribes.”
Wendy Long, Chief Counsel for the right-wing Judicial Confirmation Network, sent a letter to the Senate Judiciary Committee today accusing Judge Sotomayor of misrepresenting her record on the death penalty:
Dear Senators:
A first read through Judge Sonia Sotomayor’s U.S. Senate questionnaire for her Supreme Court nomination raises more questions than it answers. It is already clear that she has omitted controversial material from her past in which she asserts that “[c]apital punishment is associated with evident racism in our society” and advocates public opposition to restoring the death penalty in New York state.
The “controversial material from her past” that Long refers to is an 1981 internal memorandum, co-signed by Sotomayor, which was prepared by a Puerto Rican Legal Defense and Education Fund task force for that organization’s board. That memo does indeed include the statement that “[c]apital punishment is associated with evident racism in our society.”
Although the internal memorandum is not specifically disclosed in Sotomayor’s questionnaire, Sotomayor did disclose, and provide senators with multiple copies of a 1981 letter she drafted on behalf of the Puerto Rican Legal Defense and Education Fund. That letter states that “capital punishment represents ongoing racism in our society,” a virtually identical statement to the one Long accuses Sotomayor of hiding. Sotomayor’s 1981 letter can be viewed at the Senate Judicary Committee’s website.
Sotomayor kept no secrets from the Senate about how she felt about the death penalty in 1981, and Long shouldn’t waste the Senate’s time by grasping at straws.