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Security

Columnist Cries ’9/11′ After Fact-Checker Debunks Intel Briefing Attack On Obama

Marc Thiessen

Washington Post fact-checker Glenn Kessler today again criticized his Post colleague and American Enterprise Institute fellow Marc Thiessen for continuing to promote the debunked claim that President Obama is not sufficiently concerned about U.S. national security.

In a Sept. 10 Washington Post opinion piece, Thiessen — citing a recent “study” finding that Obama has attended about half his personal daily intelligence briefs (PDBs) — claimed that “national security has not necessarily been” Obama’s “personal priority.” Obama’s right-wing critics picked up the attack and on Monday, Kessler wrote a scathing article, calling the claim “bogus” and “misleading.” “Obama reads his PDB every day, but he does not always require an in-person briefing every day,” Kessler noted.

This particular practice has precedent with previous commanders-in-chief, including Ronald Reagan, whom Kessler noted chose to forgo the CIA in-person brief 99 percent of the time (Thiessen had compared Obama’s practice to President Bush’s, claiming Bush “almost never missed his daily intelligence meeting.”)

Instead of accepting the obvious defeat, Thiessen dug in, responding on the Post’s website today saying basically, “Yeah, well. … 9/11!”:

Kessler ignores one giant difference between then and now: Sept. 11, 2001.

Comparing lax presidential briefing habits before and after 9/11 is like comparing lax presidential security habits before and after the Kennedy assassination. After terrorists killed 3,000 people in our midst, everything changed — and the president’s daily intelligence meeting took on dramatically increased importance. President Bush made it a priority to sit down with his senior intelligence advisers every day to discuss overnight intelligence on threats to the country. President Obama has not.

Hopefully putting the matter to rest, Kessler was again forced to debunk his colleague, calling Thiessen’s response “an interesting, if not very factual argument. (Reagan, for instance, suffered the loss of 241 servicemen in Beirut as a result of a terror act.).” But Kessler also noticed something else. In his original piece, Thiessen claimed he received his data on Obama’s PDBs from a “conservative” research organization. But in his response to Kessler, that story changed:

We also find it curious that he now discloses the study was done at his request, by his business partner, and that he now describes the Government Accountability Institute as “nonpartisan” whereas in his earlier column he had called it a “conservative investigative research organization.”

Upon reflection, we now realize that the GAI report had a bit of a math problem. The White House public schedule does not list meetings on weekends, so Obama automatically loses 28 percent of the “meetings” because of that fact. Thiessen had earlier claimed Bush had oral intel briefings six days a week–though no actual schedule is available to confirm that–so at the very least GAI should have subtracted one a day week from Obama’s numbers to make a valid comparison.

“We had nearly given this data Four Pinocchios and in restrospect we were perhaps too generous with Three,” Kessler wrote, adding in a tweet today at Thiessen, “9/11 is not excuse to wipe out history.”

Update

Salon’s Alex Pareene writes, “When you, the major daily newspaper, get to the point where your official in-house fact checker is not just calling one of your columnists dishonest but also practically mocking his arguments as ridiculous, maybe you should reconsider some of your hiring strategies.”

Security

Fact-Checker Calls Obama Intel Briefing Attack ‘Bogus’ And ‘Misleading’

Marc Thiessen

American Enterprise Institute fellow and Washington Post columnist Marc Thiessen has been pushing a recent finding that President Obama has not attended about half of his daily intelligence briefings as evidence that “national security has not necessarily been” Obama’s “personal priority.” Theissen based his claim on a recent study by the conservative Government Accountability Institute, which said that Obama has attended only 43.8 percent of his Presidential Daily Briefs, or PDBs. “By contrast,” Thiessen wrote, “Obama’s predecessor, George W. Bush almost never missed his daily intelligence meeting.”

This particular statistic, however, doesn’t mean a whole lot. President Obama may not physically get briefed by intelligence officials every day but he does receive and read the PDBs, a point Theissen himself acknowledged when reporting the White House’s response to the charge.

“This is how it was done in the Clinton administration,” Thiessen’s Post colleague Dana Millbank noted, “before Bush decided he would prefer to read less.”

Yet Dick Cheney, John McCain, the right-wing blogs and others picked up on Thiessen’s hook anyway, not seeming to care that the charge has little credibility. The claim eventually made its way to an attack ad by Karl Rove-led SuperPAC American Crossroads which caused Washington Post fact checker Glenn Kessler to get involved. Kessler called the attack “misguided,” noting that President Reagan rarely attended daily intelligence briefings:

Clearly, different presidents have structured their daily briefing from the CIA to fit their unique personal styles. Many did not have an oral briefing, while three — two of whom are named Bush — preferred to deal directly with a CIA official. Obama appears to have opted for a melding of the two approaches, in which he receives oral briefings, but not as frequently as his predecessor.

Ultimately, what matters is what a president does with the information he receives from the CIA. Republican critics may find fault with Obama’s handling of foreign policy. But this attack ad turns a question of process — how does the president handle his intelligence brief? — into a misguided attack because Obama has chosen to receive his information in a different manner than his predecessor.

As it turns out, no president does it the exact same way. Under the standards of this ad, Republican icon Ronald Reagan skipped his intelligence briefings 99 percent of the time.

It should come as no surprise that Thiessen is hawkingbogus” claims, as his own newspaper described the daily intel charge, and it’s unlikely he will show any signs of remorse. And while the Post should be commended for publicly calling out one of its own and shaming Thiessen, the paper is ultimately responsible for publishing his false claims and baseless attacks. As former Washington Post writer Dan Froomkin said in response to Kessler’s article today on Twitter, the Post op-ed page “is a facts-optional zone. Shame on them.”

Justice

Bush Torture Apologist Declares Roberts Supreme Court Nomination A Failure

Marc Thiessen, the Bush Administration torture apologist turned Washington Post columnist, uses his column today to proclaim that Chief Justice Roberts was a failed nominee and Republicans need to ensure that future Robertses never reach the high Court again:

We don’t know if he was suddenly convinced by his liberal colleagues, or simply had a failure of nerve. But the challenge for conservatives is clear: We need jurists who not only have a philosophy of judicial restraint, but the intestinal fortitude not to be swayed by pressure from the New York Times, the Georgetown cocktail circuit and the legal academy.

Roberts’s defenders point to his many other conservative decisions and argue that he is not another David Souter or even another Anthony Kennedy. That may be true. But is that really the standard we want for a Supreme Court justice — they are not another Souter or Kennedy? Shouldn’t conservatives expect Republican presidents to do better and appoint another Scalia, Thomas or Alito? That shouldn’t be too much to ask.

First of all, Thiessen can hardly claim to support judges who embrace “judicial restraint” when he is slamming Roberts for refusing to eradicate the entire Affordable Care Act, toss the entire national health system into chaos, and do so on a theory that rejects nearly 200 years of established law.

Moreover, President George W. Bush, who appointed Roberts in 2005, can hardly be blamed for not anticipating that conservatives in 2009 would suddenly decide that a policy proposal that was conceived at the conservative Heritage Foundation and signed into law by Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney would be declared a heresy simply because President Barack Obama embraced it. Indeed, Bush nominated Roberts to the Supreme Court less than two months after Justice Scalia published an opinion which establishes that the Affordable Care Act is constitutional.

More recently, three leading conservative judges rejected the purely partisan argument that Obamacare violates the Constitution. Judge Laurence Silberman, who received the Presidential Medal of Freedom from Bush, upheld the law because the case against it “cannot find real support . . . in either the text of the Constitution or Supreme Court precedent.” Judge Jeffrey Sutton, a former law clerk to Scalia who spent much of his pre-judicial career looking for ways to undermine federal power, nonetheless wrote his own opinion rejecting a challenge to the Affordable Care Act. And Judge J. Harvie Wilkinson, one of the finalists for Roberts’ Supreme Court seat, called the case against health reform “a prescription for economic chaos that the framers, in a simpler time, had the good sense to head off.”

So believing that laws like Affordable Care Act are constitutional wasn’t just the mainstream view when Roberts joined the Court, it was the mainstream conservative view. Only a handful of radicals, such as Justice Clarence Thomas, would have rejected the Affordable Care Act if it had reached the Court in 2005.

But, of course, that is besides the point. The purpose of Thiessen’s column is not really to look back on a nomination that already happened, it is to send out a warning on judicial nominations yet to come. Ultimately, the intended audience for this column are the handful of conservative lawyers who will someday be entrusted with selecting nominees for a future Republican president. And the column’s message is clear: next time, pick someone who will follow conservative orthodoxy, regardless of what the Constitution actually says.

Security

Bush Speechwriter Marc Thiessen Suggests Invading U.S.-Allied Nations To Capture WikiLeaks Founder

Conservative outrage over the WikiLeaks release of secret State Department cables has reached a fever pitch, with Rep. Pete King (R-NY) — who will chair the Homeland Security Committee in the new Congress — demanding the group be declared a terrorist organization. Former GOP Pennsylvania senator Rick Santorum echoed King yesterday, saying WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange is guilty of “terrorism,” while a number of Republican lawmakers have called for treason charges against suspected leaker Bradley Manning. Meanwhile, a number of conservative figures have fantasized about committing bodily harm to Assange.

But former Bush speechwriter-cum-leading torture advocate Marc Thiessen took this outrage to comic heights last night on Fox News host Sean Hannity’s show. Proving that neoconservatives never miss an opportunity to call for war, Thiessen suggested that if diplomacy fails to capture Assange, the U.S. should “go and get him” — with or without his host country’s permission:

THIESSEN: There are plenty of tools at our disposal. … But failing that, we can act unilaterally. We can go and get him without another country’s permission. We did it with General Noriega — there’s authority within the Office of Legal Counsel and that we can go and take anybody anywhere in the world.

Watch it:

Assange has said he travels constantly to avoid arrest, but WikiLeaks’ base of operations is in Sweden — a close ally of the U.S. — and Assange is believed to spend some time there. Thiessen also mentioned Iceland, a NATO member, which considered offering asylum to Assange, as did Switzerland, another U.S. ally. More recently, Assange, a citizen of U.S. ally Australia, has been living in London and traveled to Berlin. But today, Ecuador offered Assange residency “with no problems and no conditions.” Perhaps Thiessen would be more comfortable invading Ecuador than England or Germany.

It’s worth noting that going and getting Gen. Manuel Noriega, the former narco-dictator of Panama, as Thiessen suggested, involved a full-scale invasion of the country with 25,000 American troops. Former President George H.W. Bush “broke both international law and [U.S.] government policies” in ordering the invasion in 1989, which resulted in the loss of 23 American servicemembers and the wounding of another 325, the death of hundreds of Panamanians, and major lasting damage to Panama’s economy and capital city. “There was a lot of euphoria because we got rid of Noriega,” Julio Sosa, a former Panamanian diplomat who now lives in Houston, told the Houston Chronicle last year. “But the people have preferred not to remember it. It’s a painful passage for a lot of people. There were a lot of innocent lives lost.”

Politics

CIA’s top spy: U.S. intelligence hasn’t ‘suffered at all’ from banning waterboading.

Almost immediately after taking office, President Obama signed an executive order barring “the CIA from using harsh interrogation methods beyond those permitted by the U.S. military.” Critics, such as former Bush speechwriter Marc Thiessen, have argued that Obama’s order has cost U.S. interrogators “any tools at our disposal” to “compel” information out of terrorist captures. But in a talk at Fordham University last week, Michael Sulick, the director of the CIA’s National Clandestine Service, said the U.S. hasn’t “suffered at all” because of the decision to ban waterboarding:

Sulick followed his lecture with a lengthy question-and-answer session, although he prefaced it by saying he would not comment on any issue that might influence policy. Questions were submitted by Fordham students in advance and read aloud by USG members. When asked if the Obama administration’s ban on waterboarding has had serious consequences on the war against terror, Sulick answered in general terms.

“I don’t think we’ve suffered at all from an intelligence standpoint,” he said, “but I don’t want to talk about [it from] a legal, moral or ethical standpoint.”

The Washington Post’s Jeff Stein writes that Sulick is in charge of “the CIA’s spy handlers, counterspies and covert action specialists — the so-called ‘dirty tricks’ people- — along with some elements of the FBI and Defense Intelligence Agency.” Spencer Ackerman notes that “for the record, it was the Bush administration that actually banned waterboarding after using it to horrific effect, a fact that has caused no end of cognitive dissonance in conservative torture advocates.”

Politics

Thiessen’s Inconsistency Undermines Claim That Detainee Lawyers Can’t Be Compared To John Adams

marcthiessen.jpgDespite the backlash from prominent conservative lawyers against Liz Cheney and Keep America Safe’s “al Qaeda 7″ ad that questions the loyalty of Justice Department lawyers who worked on behalf of detainees, some on the right have risen to Cheney’s defense. On Monday, torture advocate Marc Thiessen dedicated his new Washington Post column to defending the ad, saying that Cheney asked “legitimate questions about Obama administration lawyers who defended America’s terrorist enemies.” Keep America Safe subsequently referred reporters to Thiessen’s column when asked to comment on the conservative criticism.

Today, Thiessen is up with another defense of the Cheney-led attacks, writing on the Washington Post’s PostPartisan blog that defenders of the Justice Department lawyers are wrong to invoke John Adams’ defense of British soldiers after the Boston massacre:

Defenders of the habeas lawyers representing al-Qaeda terrorists have invoked the iconic name of John Adams to justify their actions, claiming these lawyers are only doing the same thing Adams did when he defended British soldiers accused in the Boston Massacre. The analogy is clever, but wholly inaccurate.

For starters, Adams was a British subject at the time he took up their representation. The Declaration of Independence had not yet been signed, and there was no United States of America. The British soldiers were Adams’ fellow countrymen — not foreign enemies of the state at war with his country.

Thiessen’s argument that Adams was defending “fellow countrymen” and “not foreign enemies” is clever, but it’s undermined by the fact that some of the lawyers Thiessen and the ad impugn did work on behalf of American citizens. In a National Review blog post promoting his PostPartisan column, Thiessen directly attacks a lawyer who advocated on behalf of a detained American citizen:

Eric Holder vs. John Adams [Marc Thiessen]

I have a piece up for the Washington Post explaining why the al-Qaeda lawyers are wrong to wrap themselves in the mantle of John Adams. Thanks to the spade work of Bill Burck and Dana Perino, we now know why Holder was stonewalling on the identities of the “Al Qaeda 7” — he was one of them! If Holder and co. are simply carrying on the traditions of John Adams, why were they hiding their roles in seeking the release of enemy combatants? If they are proud of their work, why don’t they stand up and say so?

Yesterday, Perino and Burck published an article on National Review Online detailing how Holder contributed to, but neglected to tell the Senate about, an amicus brief to the Supreme Court supporting Jose Padilla, an American citizen who was held as an enemy combatant. Another one of the lawyers smeared by the ad, Joseph Guerra, now Principal Deputy Associate Attorney General, worked on a brief urging that the Supreme Court hear Padilla’s case. Another DoJ lawyer, Assistant Attorney General Tony West, worked on the case of “American Taliban” Johh Walker Lindh, an American citizen.

The discrepancy between Thiessen’s PostPartisan argument and the facts is indicative of his arguments in general. In discussing another one of Thiessen’s inconsistent arguments, Time’s Michael Scherer — who considers Thiessen’s vocal crusade to defend the Bush administration’s torture policies “a good thing” — remarked that he was “disappointed with the quality of Thiessen’s arguments, which seem to be designed more for cable news soundbites than for serious discussion.”

Update

Thiessen builds much of the rest of his argument on claims by National Review’s Andy McCarthy. Orin Kerr dissects the flaws in McCarthy’s argument here.

Yglesias

How Waterboarding Was Done

waterboard_inquisition-1-1

As Washington Post columnist Marc Thiessen has emphasized, torture, as practiced by Thiessen’s dimwitted and immoral friends in the Bush administration, bore no resemblance to torture as practiced by the Spanish Inquisition, since in the Inquisition when they waterboarded people they also tied them down with spiky ropes.

Keep that in mind as you read these newly revealed details about the operational aspects of Thiessen’s favorite torture technique:

Interrogators pumped detainees full of so much water that the CIA turned to a special saline solution to minimize the risk of death, the documents show. The agency used a gurney “specially designed” to tilt backwards at a perfect angle to maximize the water entering the prisoner’s nose and mouth, intensifying the sense of choking – and to be lifted upright quickly in the event that a prisoner stopped breathing.

The documents also lay out, in chilling detail, exactly what should occur in each two-hour waterboarding “session.” Interrogators were instructed to start pouring water right after a detainee exhaled, to ensure he inhaled water, not air, in his next breath. They could use their hands to “dam the runoff” and prevent water from spilling out of a detainee’s mouth. They were allowed six separate 40-second “applications” of liquid in each two-hour session – and could dump water over a detainee’s nose and mouth for a total of 12 minutes a day. Finally, to keep detainees alive even if they inhaled their own vomit during a session – a not-uncommon side effect of waterboarding – the prisoners were kept on a liquid diet. The agency recommended Ensure Plus.

So, you know, spiky ropes. Something.

Yglesias

Thiessen Admits That His “Too Many Dead Terrorists” Critique Is Hollow BS

P012508ED-0139

Back on Day 57 of the endless snowstorm, I noted Marc Thiessen’s weird argument that Barack Obama is too good at killing terrorists when he should be capturing and torturing them. Last night, Thiessen went on Bill O’Reilly show to push the idea, and even O’Reilly was a bit dubious, basically inducing Thiessen to admit (and without even shackling him to the ceiling or anything) that there’s nothing to this critique:

O’REILLY: [Panetta] puts a sheet of paper on your desk. He says we got a Taliban big shot in this village. We can get him with a drone missile, a hellfire missile. Okay. Should we or should we not? And you say, well, I’d love to talk to this guy and interrogate it. And Leon says you know what? We can’t get in there. It’s impossible. He’s up in the mountains.

THIESSEN: Sure.

So there’s no issue here. There’s absolutely no reason to believe that the Obama administration has been deliberately passing up opportunities to capture terrorists. The provocative version of Thiessen’s thesis is that Obama ought to deliberately pass up opportunities to kill terrorists in hopes that at some future point they might be captured and tortured. But that’s not what’s happening.

It’s too bad Thiessen’s raised this smokescreen, since there’s a much more legitimate question about whether liberal missile strikes don’t do more harm than good. A certain amount of criminal activity, related to drugs and prostitution, seems to be taking place on my block. If we had satellite surveillance of a major drug figure walking down the sidewalk in front of my building and the response to that was to launch a missile at the guy, I’d be kind of pissed. And if you do that a dozen times and one of the missiles goes wrong and winds up blowing up a big chunk of my apartment building, I’d be really pissed. This is the real balance that needs to be struck, and there’s reason to be concerned that the Obama administration’s stepped-up missile attacks have tilted us in the wrong direction.

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