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Immigration

Top Conservative Publication Defends Linking Hispanics To Low IQ

Jason Richwine. (Credit: Media Matters)

Last week, a coauthor of the Heritage Foundation’s shoddy immigration report, Jason Richwine, resigned after it emerged that his PhD dissertation argued that Latinos and blacks were genetically intellectual inferior to white people. Monday morning, the flagship conservative journal National Review published a piece arguing that Richwine’s work was legitimate academic inquiry and that Heritage should have defended the dissertation rather than distancing itself from it.

The piece, authored by deputy managing editor Robert VerBruggen, argues that Richwine’s dissertation was “most certainly competently executed,” and that Richwine’s research on IQ helps support “much of the actual data” in giving “reason for concern” about “Hispanic assimilation.” That makes it wrong to call Richwine’s dissertation racist, in VerBruggen’s view:

These sorts of debates are resolved by having scholars take different views, conduct research, and make their case, confident that their current and future “educational institutions” will not punish them for doing so. Indeed, today genome research is progressing at a rapid clip, with scientists worldwide making fascinating discoveries almost constantly. (Soon, I hope, this work will render the research Richwine cites, much of which is decades old, obsolete.) The Left would like to cut this process off, expelling from polite society — with the help of a conservative think tank in this case — any researcher who dares to defend the hereditarian view.

The Left’s labeling of Richwine’s argument as “racist” is especially dangerous. In modern America it is axiomatic that “racism,” whatever it is, is wrong — and this is a good thing. It therefore is a mistake to define racism to include falsifiable hypotheses in addition to racial hatred. If Richwine’s view is racist, what are we to do if it turns out to be correct?

VerBruggen’s standard for racism doesn’t stand up to scrutiny. The hypothesis that “rich Jews control the media” is “falsifiable” in VerBruggen’s sense, as it’s a claim about what is true in the world, but it’s unquestionably anti-Semitic to assert it. Ditto with the claim that “black people are on-average lazier” or “Asians are on-average sneakier” — these are racist claims, rooted in centuries of pernicious stereotyping, yet they are legitimate subjects for academic inquiry by VerBruggen’s lights.

Moreover, VerBruggen’s claim that Richwine’s dissertation is good research is disputed by independent experts. “I am stunned by the lack of rigor and intellectual depth evinced by Richwine’s dissertation,” wrote Diego von Vacano, a political scientist who studies race and Hispanic identity. “Such shoddy work should not easily pass at the doctoral level — or any level for that matter.” Dan Drezner, a professor of international relations who reviewed Richwine’s research, wrote that “key terms are poorly defined, auxiliary assumptions abound, and the literature I’m familiar with that is cited as authoritative is, well, not good.”

These criticisms are not hard to substantiate. Richwine’s dissertation fails to sufficiently define “Hispanic” or “black” or explain how either such genetically diverse, socially defined groupings can meaningfully track the genetically-inherited components of IQ. He dismisses the idea that entrenched poverty and racism could stymie Hispanic acheivement by citing the success of Asian immigrants in the United States, skating over the gulf in differences between both different Asian immigrant groups at different times and “Asians” and “Hispanics” in some broader sense. He doesn’t respond to the wealth of academic criticism of current intelligence testing metrics. And Richwine takes much of the data on IQ as face-value reliable, a claim that’s dubious for several reasons.

VerBruggen’s insistence that bad research linking race and IQ is simply the truth plays into a longstanding conservative tradition, wherein conservatives defend race and IQ research that provides support for their policy preferences. In this case, Richwine’s dissertation makes the case for limiting immigration to high IQ individuals, a position that VerBruggen appears compelled by and one that tracks well with the general conservative preference for “high-skill” immigration. Richwine explicitly draws a line between “high IQ immigration” and “high skill immigration” in the dissertation.

National Review‘s editors wrote that “the Heritage analysis [Richwine coauthored] is the best available” analysis of the cost of the immigration bill.

Security

Column In Top Conservative Publication Says U.S. Should Help Assad Fight Syrian Rebels


More than 70,000 Syrians have been killed in the country’s brutal and protracted civil war. But one leading conservative voice on the Middle East, writing in National Review on Friday, has a novel view of America’s role in stopping the conflict: we should prolong it. Specifically, we should prolong it by providing support to the murderous dictator Bashar al-Assad who launched the war by gunning down non-violent protesters in the streets for months.

Daniel Pipes’ basic argument is that the influx of jihadis into rebel ranks means that the United States shouldn’t want either side to win definitively. Since it looks like Assad is losing, we should help him out until a bloody stalemate returns — a suggestion he proposes “as a humanitarian”:

I am changing my policy recommendation from neutrality to something that causes me, as a humanitarian and decades-long foe of the Assad dynasty, to pause before writing: Western governments should support the malign dictatorship of Bashar Assad.

Here is my logic for this reluctant suggestion: Evil forces pose less danger to us when they make war on each other. This (1) keeps them focused locally and (2) prevents either one from emerging victorious (and thereby posing a yet-greater danger). Western powers should guide enemies to stalemate by helping whichever side is losing, so as to prolong the conflict.

Pipes’ “humanitarian” suggestion comes on the heels of a Human Rights Watch report that documents a systematic pattern of Assad’s forces using unguided dumb bombs on civilian population centers. After disputed reports that the Islamic extremist al-Nusra Front rebels had “merged” with al-Qaeda in Iraq, the mainstream Free Syrian Army distanced itself from jihadism, saying “We don’t support the ideology of al-Nusra. … There has never been and there will never be a decision at the command level to coordinate with al-Nusra.”

Recognizing that his idea is a recipe for the extended slaughter of civilians, Pipes proposes a policy of “pressuring the rebels’ suppliers (Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Qatar) and the Syrian government’s supporters (Russia, China) to condition aid on abiding by the rules of war.” However, Pipes himself admits that “manipulating the rebel forces via remote control has little chance of success,” a point which presumably goes double for the Assad government.

Pipes also compares his “stalemate” policy to America’s involvement in World War II, saying that “keeping German troops tied down on the Eastern Front was critical to an Allied victory.” While it has been argued that the U.S. and Britain delayed the invasion of Europe to keep pressure on the Soviet Union to weaken it in the aftermath of an eventual Allied victory, Pipes doesn’t make this point, and even if he had, it wouldn’t make much sense in the Syria context. Moreover, as a cursory survey of knowledge of World War II history would admit, the Allies ultimately supported the Soviets in an attempt to totally defeat the Nazis. Pipes’ favored policy would be more like supporting Stalin until it looked like he was going to win, and then extending Lend-Lease to Hitler so the war would keep going.

The repugnant incoherence of Pipes’ argument can perhaps be explained by his background. Pipes is one of the five leading “experts” identified in a Center for American Progress report as critical to national Islamophobia industry. He regularly engages in “alarmist rhetoric about the creeping Sharia threat posed by radical Islam,” including insinuations that President Obama practiced Islam as a child.

In 2003, President Bush nominated Daniel Pipes to the board of the United States Institute for Peace.

Election

CPAC And How Conservatives Are Killing Republican Revival

We’re told the Republican Party is in the midst of internal upheaval, that conservative intellectuals are waging a fierce battle over their party’s future. It’d be great if that were true.

But if this intellectual free-for-all is having an effect on the party, it’s hard to spot without a microscope. Reformist conservative intellectuals admit that Rep. Paul Ryan’s (R-WI) budget is merely a tired reiteration of his previous offerings. The party’s great new hope, Sen. Ted Cruz, is tilting at the Obamacare repeal windmill as opposed to offering a viable alternative health care vision. And CPAC, the marquee conservative conference that began yesterday, offers Sarah Palin and Donald Trump as star speakers.

The sad truth is that the reformers are outgunned, outnumbered, and outfunded. There’s no serious constituency with clout that believes the GOP needs to substantively reform its political institutions. Until that changes, the talk from conservative thinkers is just that.

Consider how the Republican Party, which once claimed Dwight “military-industrial complex” Eisenhower as its standard bearer, became captured by the conservative movement. Many use the words “Republican” and “conservative” interchangeably today, but that would have seemed bizarre just forty short years ago. The modern conservative movement began as, odd as this may seem to progressives, an anti-establishment movement: William F. Buckley Jr. and the National Review crowd were rebelling against the perception of a milquetoast GOP. What we now understand as modern conservatism’s guiding principles (economic libertarianism, a concern with preserving “traditional” social mores, and foreign policy hawkery) were originally formulated as challenges to the contemporary Republican consensus.

But modern conservatism didn’t take over the Republican Party by sheer force of Buckley’s will. It took a cadre of politicians like Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan, support from the then-young Heritage Foundation, and a major on-the-ground organizing effort to uproot the GOP old guard. As Jonathan Yardley put it in a review of the widely acclaimed history of moderate Republicanism Rule and Ruin, “one of the central things about moderates — and one of the best things — is that they are, well, moderate. Whether they call themselves Republicans, Democrats or independents, they don’t get up on soapboxes, they don’t spend six hours a day glued to Fox News, and they don’t pour out in overwhelming numbers to vote in party primaries. This last factor, more than anything else, is what explains the demise of Republican moderation and the victory (for now, at least) of Republican extremism.”

By my count, that history suggests there are four critical battlegrounds for GOP reform: political leaders, Republican-aligned think tanks, the conservative press, and grassroots movements (assuming, reasonably enough, that capitalists and lobbyists aren’t the reform-minded types). The problem, as a quick survey of the current state of these four areas will attest to, is that there’s no faction any of those sectors influential enough to spearheading a change in the Republican Party’s political instincts or policy preferences:

Political leaders: While there’s ideological conflict among elected Republicans, the issue appears to whether the status quo leadership is ideologically rigid enough for the insurgent’s liking. Take Sens. Ted Cruz, Rand Paul, and Mark Lee — who are described in a National Review profile as “key defenders of liberty and the Constitution,” stepping up “[a]t a time when the Republican party, and the conservative moment in general… is still reeling from an electoral drubbing in November and lacks coherent leadership.” These three Senators all propose pulling the GOP further to the right of the American public; all three, for example, think the wildly popular Violence Against Women Act is unconstitutional. All of them also embody the GOP’s bad intellectual habits and ideological rigidity. Cruz has a proven record of McCarthyite intellectual dishonsty. Paul isn’t the challenge to GOP orthodoxy on civil liberties and foreign policy that people say he is, and he has a particularly revanchist economic agenda. Lee admitted to using the threat of default on our debt in an attempt to rewrite the Constitution along radically federalist lines. The anti-establishment contingent in the House is famously to Speaker Boehner’s obstructionist right. And while there are a few Governors who are marginally more intellectually alive, none of them appear to command the support of a major national reform movement. The Republicans challenging the party leadership are symptoms of the problems GOP reformers are diagnosing, not its cure. The most important source of institutional juice in translating the reform debate into political change looks to be, if anything, militating against reform.

Think tanks: Aside from the libertarian Cato Institue, whose influence among conservatives is almost definitionally circumscribed by its ideology, the two major conservative institutions are the aforementioned Heritage Foundation and the American Enterprise Institute (AEI). Heritage’s new President is former Senator Jim DeMint, famous for being one of the Senate’s hardest of hard-liners and helping fund primary challenges to Republicans who didn’t toe the party line. Conservative pundit Jennifer Rubin (not known for her intellectual independence) wrote that by hiring DeMint, “Heritage, to a greater extent than ever before, becomes a political instrument in service of extremism.” AEI’s President, Arthur Brooks, believes President Obama’s policy views are functionally identical to Marxism and that 92 percent of economists “are not supporters of free enterprise.” The institution’s idea of bipartisan reform on foreign policy is Joe Lieberman, who, of course, already agrees with neoconservative orthodoxy.

Conservative publications: If one wanted to make the case for optimism, conservative publications would be the place to start. Most major publications have at least a handful of intellectually serious and/or reform-minded writers: National Review, despite often hewing to the party line editorially, is the bright spot here, employing challenging thinkers like Reihan Salam, Ramesh Ponnuru, and Yuval Levin. Conservative writers at more mainstream publications, like Ross Douthat, Conor Friedersdorf, and David Frum, are all persuasive critics of the party’s status quo. And a young publication (by magazine standards), The American Conservative, is a vital clearinghouse for critiques of the GOP and ideas for its transformation (full disclosure: they’ve even gone so far in the name of intellectual diversity as to have published me). However, Fox News still dominates the conservative information infrastructure alongside radio personalities like Rush Limbaugh and Mark Levin. New popular outlets like The Daily Caller and Breitbart News have notoriously low, ideologically driven journalistic standards. Sadly, the more reflective publications can’t seem to get the signal through this noise: Jonathan Martin reports that “there is virtually no evidence that these impassioned appeals for change are being listened to by the audience that matters — Republican elected officials.”

Grassroots movements: The big force here is obviously the Tea Party. While the initial impression was that the Tea Party was a libertarian movement, a view some libertarians still hold, the evidence that the Tea Party isn’t offering an alternative vision to the status quo GOP is mounting. Polling data suggests Tea Party members hold social views virtually identical to those of conservative Republicans, leading a group of Harvard scholars to conclude “the Tea Party is a new incarnation of longstanding strands in US conservatism.” This perception is borne out by the candidates it supports; the head of the Tea Party Caucus in the House is Michele Bachmann, and Ted Cruz is one of the Senators most closely identified with the movement. If anything, this suggests that the Tea Party has been an anti-reform voice, as they’ve been active in supporting the sort of leader that’s holding reformers back; that’s why Brigitte Nacos, an expert on the Tea Party at Columbia University, predicted that “there will be something like a civil war within the Republican Party, with the extreme right of Tea Partyers and the Christian right on one side, and those who were formerly the GOP’s mainstream on the other.”

So the GOP reformers have a daunting task ahead of them: they need to expand out from their media base and start influencing conservatives in the grassroots rank-and-file, think tanks, and the political class if they want to replicate the initial conservative movement’s success in transforming the Republican Party.

I’ll be tracking this effort at CPAC for TP Ideas, drawing out the best policy ideas and most interesting portents of change inside the conservative movement from its annual showcase to see if this gloomy situation might be brightening a bit. The first report should drop later today; stay tuned!

Justice

Conspiracy Theorist Clings To Allegations Of 0.0034% Voter Fraud In One Ohio County

Voter Suppression Advocate John Fund

Voter Suppression Advocate John Fund

In a National Review article Friday, voter fraud conspiracy theorist John Fund again attempted to mislead readers into thinking strict photo ID laws are necessary to prevent election stealing. But, in so doing, he inadvertently shows why these voter suppression laws are not needed.

Fund mocks voting rights advocates for correctly noting that Americans are more likely to be struck by lighting than to commit voter fraud:

Well, lightning is suddenly all over Cincinnati, Ohio. The Hamilton County Board of Elections is investigating 19 possible cases of alleged voter fraud that occurred when Ohio was a focal point of the 2012 presidential election. A total of 19 voters and nine witnesses are part of the probe.

Democrat Melowese Richardson has been an official poll worker for the last quarter century and registered thousands of people to vote last year. She candidly admitted to Cincinnati’s Channel 9 this week that she voted twice in the last election.

According to the Hamilton County Board of Elections, 564,429 voters are registered in jurisdiction. Even if every single one of those 19 alleged cases proved true, that would represent less than 0.0034 percent of the county’s voters.

In Richardson’s case, she told the television station that she had not intended to commit vote fraud and merely showed up to vote in-person as she was unsure her absentee ballot would arrive in time to be counted. The story notes that the elections board’s report “states poll workers should have updated the signature poll book by flagging ‘absentee voter’ next to the names of those who appeared on the list.”

Regardless of Richardson’s intent, however, the National Review’s bait and switch is obvious. Requiring voters to show photo identification at the polls would do absolutely nothing to prevent double voting like this — intentional or inadvertent. Richardson truthfully identified herself at the polls and voted in her own name. Fund attempts to lump all types of voter fraud in together, but does not identify a single one of the 19 alleged cases in which a voter committed in-person impersonation of another voter.

Furthermore, these cases show that the existing laws successfully catch those who vote twice. While she could not comment on the ongoing investigation, Hamilton County Deputy Director of Elections Sally J. Krisel told ThinkProgress that “Ohio has very clear laws about checking,” so if a voter is found to have cast an absentee ballot and attempts to vote in person, only one vote is counted. And, based on the Channel 9 report, the 19 questioned voters have been subpoenaed — meaning they will be prosecuted if they indeed committed voter fraud.

Fund snidely concludes: “But, of course, as you know there is no voter fraud. Pay no attention to that lightning coming out of Ohio.” While voter fraud does rarely exist, fighting these sorts of “lightning” with strict photo ID laws that disenfranchise legitimate voters is like banning orange juice to prevent jaywalking.

Update

An earlier version of this story incorrectly listed the number of actual voters in Hamilton County in the November elections.

Politics

Unevolved: Meet The Prominent Conservatives That Haven’t Budged On Immigration

Since the election, top Republicans have implored their own party to “evolve” on comprehensive immigration reform in order to finally reflect the public consensus.

A number of Republican and Democratic lawmakers have embraced a Senate framework with a pathway to citizenship for the 11 million undocumented immigrants living in the U.S. Parts of the Senate proposal appeal to conservative calls for increased border security, employment enforcement, and visa tracking (enough to even temporarily convince Rush Limbaugh). However, a string of groups that helped defeat immigration reform in 2007 are already ready and eager to derail any bipartisan talks.

Echoing the 47 percent rhetoric that plagued Mitt Romney during the election, immigration opponents have panned the Senate framework for a tough road to legalization as “amnesty” or a “pointless” attempt to attract Latinos to the Republican party.

Many of these groups played a role in defeating the last attempt at immigration reform in 2007. Numbers USA, a group founded by anti-immigration activist John Tanton, slammed the Senate discussions as “amnesty 2.0″ and pledged to defeat it, while another of Tanton’s groups, FAIR, directed membership to tell Congress “how ridiculous it is.”

The National Review rejected immigration reform as “pointless” in a staff editorial, where they claimed Hispanics would never be welcomed in the Republican party:

While many are in business for themselves, they express hostile attitudes toward free enterprise in polls. They are disproportionately low-income and disproportionately likely to receive some form of government support. More than half of Hispanic births are out of wedlock. Take away the Spanish surname and Latino voters look a great deal like many other Democratic constituencies. Low-income households headed by single mothers and dependent upon some form of welfare are not looking for an excuse to join forces with Paul Ryan and Pat Toomey. Given the growing size of the Hispanic vote, it would help Republicans significantly to lose it by smaller margins than they have recently. But the idea that an amnesty is going to put Latinos squarely in the GOP tent is a fantasy.

Erick Erickson opposes it for somewhat different reasons, calling it a plan “based on faith in government, not free enterprise or the American people.” According to Erickson, this is a debate “Democrats can use to get the GOP to fight itself,” ignoring that even a majority of Republicans embrace a pathway to citizenship.

Some Republican lawmakers have rejected reform, as well. Sen. David Vitter (R-LA) called Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) “naive” and “nuts” to allow a path for legalization, and Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) took a predictably similar hard line. As the House begins to craft its own plan, longtime reform opponents Lamar Smith (R-TX), the former House Judiciary Chair and Lou Barletta (R-PA) claimed it amounted to “amnesty.”

While parts of the Republican party remain unchanged on the issue, the national and political momentum clearly backs a pathway to citizenship for the nation’s 11 million undocumented immigrants.

Justice

Top Conservative Publication: God Wants You To Have An Assault Rifle

Legislation aimed at reducing gun violence is “a limitation on a God-given right of man that has existed throughout the history of civil society,” according to an article published in the leading conservative opinion journal National Review.

The author, David French, interprets the Christian Bible as granting everyone a right to self-defense. He suggests that this, if true, means that God’s will is that people have access to guns, as they are the means for self defense:

In fact, Jesus’s disciples carried swords, and Jesus even said in some contexts the unarmed should arm themselves…What does all this mean? Essentially that gun control represents not merely a limitation on a constitutional right but a limitation on a God-given right of man that has existed throughout the history of civil society. All rights — of course — are subject to some limits (the right of free speech is not unlimited, for example), and there is much room for debate on the extent of those limits, but state action against the right of self-defense is by default a violation of the natural rights of man, and the state’s political judgment about the limitations of that right should be viewed with extreme skepticism and must overcome a heavy burden of justification.

Even if French is right about the Christian view of self-defense (though Jesus did have choice words about “turning the other cheek“), it’s a logical fallacy to say this implies anything about restrictions on access to guns. Saying that people have a right to defend themselves if attacked isn’t the same thing as saying they should have a right to possess any conceivable means of defending themselves – presumably, French is fine with banning grenade launchers. The burden, instead, is on French to prove that universal background checks or limitations on assault weapon ownership somehow prevent people from defending themselves; to prove, in other words, that gun regulation is actually a restriction on the right of self-defense proper rather than a crime-prevention statute.
Read more

Justice

Conservative Columnist Doubles Down On Women Are To Blame For Newtown Argument

Victoria Soto, 27-year-old teacher killed while protecting her students.

According to anti-feminist Charlotte Allen, a male janitor or “even some of the huskier 12-year-old boys” would have made all the difference in the Newtown massacre, simply because they are male. National Review published Allen’s controversial piece on Wednesday, where she attributed the massacre to Sandy Hook’s female staff and its “feminized setting.”

On Friday, Allen responded to her storm of critics, including National Review’s Jonah Goldberg, who characterized her piece as “somewhat perverse.” Allen described her latest experience examining Sandy Hook’s staff page as a “depressing [...] sea of women’s names,” while she mocked the school’s anti-bullying resources and a society that encourages boys to use Easy Bake Ovens too:

No, I was not blaming any of the 26 victims or the parents who enrolled their kids at Sandy Hook. I am, however, blaming our culture that denies, dismisses, and denigrates the masculine traits—including size, strength, male aggression and a male facility for strategic thinking–that until recently have been viewed as essential for building a society and protecting its weaker members. We now have Hanna Rosin at Slate urging parents to buy their little boys Easy Bake ovens so they’ll be more like little girls. Women are less aggressive by instinct, and they are typically trained to be nice

I am also responding to David Weigel, who told me I gotten my facts wrong: that there are actually two men, a custodian and a fourth-grade teacher, on Sandy Hook’s 52-person staff. He’s right, and I stand corrected. This does help prove my point, though: just two adult men in a building containing 500 people — and it’s not clear that both of them were at work that day. Indeed, a visit to Sandy Hook’s staff website is a depressing experience, the sea of women’s names. Why aren’t there more men? Perhaps not enough want the job? But why? Because they are tacitly discouraged from careers in elementary education? It’s certainly not the money, because union rules typically require kindergarten teachers and high-school chemistry teachers to be paid on exactly the same salary scale.

Another depressing page on the Sandy Hook website is the “Safe Schools Climate” page. It’s a page of links to “anti-bullying” resources. Yes, the Sandy Hook staff’s idea of a “safe school” was a school where kids didn’t say mean things about each other on Facebook! The Sandy Hook massacre was a tragedy, but it was at least in part a tragedy of the collision between feminist delusions and reality.

As Dave Weigel points out (in “The Stupidest Thing Anyone Has Written About Sandy Hook”), Allen gets many basic facts of the scene wrong, though she claims even her errors “help prove my point.”

Justice

Top Conservative Publication: Shooting Occurred Because Women Ran The School

Victoria Soto, 27-year-old teacher killed while protecting her students.

If there were fewer women and more “male aggression” in Sandy Hook Elementary School, the massacre there never would have taken place, according to a contribution to a leading conservative magazine.

National Review, whose in-house editorial suggested Newtown was the price of the Second Amendment, published a piece on Wednesday from anti-feminist Charlotte Allen suggesting the reason the shooter was able to kill so many students was because Newtown was a “feminized setting:”

There was not a single adult male on the school premises when the shooting occurred. In this school of 450 students, a sizeable number of whom were undoubtedly 11- and 12-year-old boys (it was a K–6 school), all the personnel — the teachers, the principal, the assistant principal, the school psychologist, the “reading specialist” — were female. There didn’t even seem to be a male janitor to heave his bucket at Adam Lanza’s knees. Women and small children are sitting ducks for mass-murderers. The principal, Dawn Hochsprung, seemed to have performed bravely. According to reports, she activated the school’s public-address system and also lunged at Lanza, before he shot her to death. Some of the teachers managed to save all or some of their charges by rushing them into closets or bathrooms. But in general, a feminized setting is a setting in which helpless passivity is the norm. Male aggression can be a good thing, as in protecting the weak — but it has been forced out of the culture of elementary schools and the education schools that train their personnel. Think of what Sandy Hook might have been like if a couple of male teachers who had played high-school football, or even some of the huskier 12-year-old boys, had converged on Lanza.

Via Jessica Valenti, who notes that this is extraordinarily “disrespectful to the female teachers and staff at Sandy Hook. Allen mentions their heroism as an anomalous aside rather than exceptional bravery that saved lives. The bravery of the women in Newtown – principal Dawn Hochsprung and psychologist Mary Sherlach who rushed the shooter before being killed, teacher Victoria Soto who died protecting her students, Kaitlin Roig and Abbey Clements who hid their students and calmed them – is remarkable.”

Allen went on to blame Lanza’s mother, saying “You simply can’t give a non-working, non-school-enrolled 20-year-old man free range of your home, much less your cache of weapons…Unfortunately, the idea of being an ‘adult’ and a ‘man’ once one has reached physical maturity seems to have faded out of our coddling culture.”

Justice

Top Conservative Magazine: Newtown Massacre Is The Price We Pay For The Second Amendment

Mass murder is a sad but inevitable consequence of the wonderful Second Amendment, according to an inhouse editorial in one of America’s leading conservative magazines. National Review’s editors, writing in response to the recent massacre in Connecticut, delivered a full-throated defense of the right to own guns. When confronted with the reality of mass-killings, the editors said “too bad:”

The practical consequence of living for nearly two-and-a-half centuries under the almost universally benevolent protection of the Second Amendment is a society in which there are hundreds of millions of guns…Those upset with the order of things are welcome to try, and doomed to fail, to repeal the Second Amendment via the constitutional process. But the guns of America aren’t going anywhere any time soon, and generic calls to “do something” — even insofar as doing something is desirable — must reckon with this fact.

On Friday, the president promised “meaningful action to prevent more tragedies like this, regardless of the politics.” We doubt that something like this is possible, in a way consistent with the principle and the fact of the Second Amendment. If the possibility of terrors like Newtown are a reminder of why we need politics, their reality is a reminder that politics can do only so much.

The editorial’s authors would do well to familiarize themselves with recent history before they make claims about what’s in the Constitution. In 2008 — which was much more recently than “nearly two-and-a-half centuries” ago — the Supreme Court held for the very first time that the Second Amendment protects an individual right to own a firearm. More importantly, that decision also gave special constitutional status to the most commonly used murder weapon in the country — handguns. So America has only lived under the “benevolent protection” the National Review seeks to protect for about four years. Prior to 2008, a total ban on handguns and other particularly dangerous firearms was entirely permissible.

It’s not clear why the National Review thinks their argument is supposed to convince people that the Second Amendment is a good thing. As Politico’s Dylan Byers writes, their argument essentially boils down to “preventing more tragedies might be possible, but it is not possible unless you repeal the Second Amendment, which you cannot do. Thus, therefore, ergo: The tragedy in Newtown, Conn., is a price that is paid for protection of the Second Amendment.”

Ultimately, however, not even this Supreme Court believes in the kind of Second-Amendment-run-amok that the National Review favors. Though it’s true that the Supreme Court’s overbroad interpretation of the Second Amendment limits policymakers’ options for addressing gun violence, there are a number of clearly permissible gun regulations that have been proven to reduce deaths from gun violence.

Alyssa

Atlas Shrugged, National Review, And The Dangers Of Self-Seriousness

Ayn Rand’s pomposity has a certain immunity to irony. The unbearable pretentiousness of awful philosophy masquerading as “serious” novels has been a literary punchline for roughly the past 70 years since the Fountainhead, and yet we still have a Vice Presidential candidate who touted Rand’s work as the best “moral case for capitalism” (Adam Smith and John Locke notwithstanding). Rand’s appeal, both in its high school infatuation and more troubling lifelong believer varieties, appears to be enduring. So it’s probably not going to be worth much for me to point out that the new trailer for the new Atlas Shrugged film suggests, among other things, that the government’s first move when “society is collapsing” is seizing America’s supply of patents:

It’s all very Book of Revelations as written by Jamie Dimon. But what makes this mess truly execrable — yes, even more so than the prospect of salvation by corporate boardroom — is the refusal to dial down the aforementioned self-seriousness. The idea that a select number of one percenters could save the world by discovering limitless clean energy and going on strike is intrinsically silly, much like the scene in Independence Day where Will Smith threads an alien spacecraft he’s never flown before through a needle after Jeff Goldblum destroys advanced alien software with a computer virus. But Independence Day has the good sense to cast two talented comedic actors in the lead roles and let them riff. Sure, basically everything that happens in the movie is hilariously implausible, but it doesn’t really matter because the film is winking at the audience the entire time.

Atlas Shrugged can’t do that, because its plot serves principally as the delivery mechanism for a crude political message. Government has to be absurdly anti-capitalistic in a crisis because Rand’s argument itself paints a very simplistic picture of government’s ills. Any ironic pokes at the strangeness of the proceedings would serve to undermine the movie’s central goal. It’s not, then, that seriously drawn far-fetched plots can’t serve as effective allegory — no one who’s familiar with the history of science fiction could say that with a straight face. Rather, the problem with Atlas Shrugged: Part II is that the message corrupts the medium.

A similar effect is on display with National Review‘s cover art for its Romney/Ryan endorsement, which (unintentionally?) aped a bit of Soviet kitsch art that I happen to have at home as part of a propaganda collection:

National Review is, whatever its other merits and faults, a movement conservative outlet. The core defining element of contemporary movement conservatism is elevation of the movement’s goals (which are now basically the Republican Party’s goals as well) to the level of a prime directive. It’s kind of hard when you’re attempting to lionize an establishment political party to get the kind of distance, ironic or otherwise, that’s needed to produce more sophisticated art. Hence why the cover ended up looking like rote Soviet realism — in neither case could the artist do anything but self-seriously laud its subjects given the purpose of the art.

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