O’Hanlon’s Griping Pays Off: CNN Calls Him ‘To Tell Us Why Voters Continue To Care About Iraq’
O’Hanlon’s Griping Pays Off: CNN Calls Him ‘To Tell Us Why Voters Continue To Care About Iraq’
According to a recent study by the Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism (PEJ), the number of news reports on Iraq have fallen dramatically since last year. In July 2007, there were an average of 15 percent of news stories devoted to the war in Iraq; that number dropped to just three percent in February 2008.
Last week, Brookings Institution analyst Michael O’Hanlon complained to the New York Times that he is a perfect example of the media’s declining interest in Iraq, as he hardly receives Iraq interview requests anymore:
“I was getting on average three to five calls a day for interviews about the war” in the first years, said Michael E. O’Hanlon, a senior fellow on national security at the Brookings Institution. “Now it’s less than one a day.“
On its “This Week in Politics” segment on Saturday, CNN took pity on poor O’Hanlon. Host Tom Foreman said they decided to call O’Hanlon not because he was the most qualified, but because they heard his cries for attention:
In Monday’s “New York Times,” Brookings scholar Michael O’Hanlon was quoted as saying that the number of journalists calling him for stories on Iraq has fallen off to zero. So, we gave Michael a call and invited him to tell us why voters continue to care about Iraq. And we called in CNN’s Pentagon correspondent Barbara Starr to keep him honest.
Watch it:
While O’Hanlon blames the press for his decreasing number of interviews, there is another possibility: his authority on Iraq has declined, as he has repeatedly and inextricably linked himself to Bush’s Iraq policies.
The media refuse to abandon these discredited pundits completely though. As the National Security Network’s Ilan Goldenberg observes, O’Hanlon has had “13 pieces in four of the most influential op-ed pages in the country over the past 7 months. … Unless you are a cabinet level position or higher, nobody deserves this type of representation.”
The Center for American Progress’s Eric Alterman and George Zornick also add, “Most of the pundits asked to look back on the first six years of the war in mainstream organs like The New York Times op-ed page and the online magazine, Slate, were people who got the decision wrong in the first place.”
(HT: Heather)
O’Hanlon: Surge architects are the ‘Vince Lombardis’ of Iraq war.
O’Hanlon: Surge architects are the ‘Vince Lombardis’ of Iraq war.
In an event at the American Enterprise Institute today, Brookings analyst Michael O’Hanlon — sitting next to hawks Fred Kagan and Ken Pollack — praised the Iraq surge, saying the surge architects would make former Green Bay Packers head coach Vince Lombardi “proud”:
I want to call them the Lombardis of this war. … And in addition to Fred and Ken who have been two of the most important people. Andy Krepinevich is another important think tanker. Retired Gen. Jack Keane from the outside. A small group of people inside the administration, smaller than it should have been, but people like Meghan O’Sullivan. […]
These people did two things that I think would have made Vince Lombardi proud. One, they stuck with it, and they persevered through difficult times. And two, they stayed focused on fundamentals.
Watch it:
O’Hanlon Gripes About His Waning Influence: I Now Get ‘Less Than One’ Interview Request Per Day
O’Hanlon Gripes About His Waning Influence: I Now Get ‘Less Than One’ Interview Request Per Day
Earlier this month, the National Security Network reported on Brookings analyst Michael O’Hanlon’s disproportionate representation in major papers’ op-ed pages. His pro-Iraq war pieces have appeared in “13 pieces in four of the most influential op-ed pages in the country over the past 7 months.”
O’Hanlon, however, isn’t satisfied with his op-ed presence, complaining today that he is a perfect example of the media’s declining interest in Iraq, as he hardly receives Iraq interview requests anymore:
“I was getting on average three to five calls a day for interviews about the war” in the first years, said Michael E. O’Hanlon, a senior fellow on national security at the Brookings Institution. “Now it’s less than one a day.”
While O’Hanlon blames the press for his decreased interviews, there is another possibility: his authority on Iraq has declined, as he has repeatedly and inextricably linked himself to Bush’s Iraq policies.
So when O’Hanlon does get the occasional interview, what can we expect to see? On the Today Show this morning, O’Hanlon appeared dismissive of the implications of the 4,000 U.S. troop death milestone in Iraq:
It’s not going to be seen as a major symbolic plateau or threshold or new milestone. It’s just going to be another reminder of the grim toll of war.
Watch it:
With comments like this, the media’s declining interest in interviewing O’Hanlon seems more like a positive development.
O’Hanlon: Petraeus’s ’success’ may have outshone Fallon.
Asked about Adm. William Fallon’s resignation today as Centcom commander, Brookings analyst Michael O’Hanlon initially replied, “I can’t clearly see what the reason would be for why he resigned.” O’Hanlon then, however, put forth the possibility that the “success” his good buddy Gen. David Petraeus has had in Iraq may have “overshadow[ed]” Fallon’s “ability to be effective in the job.”
O’Hanlon: Obama and Clinton ‘Both Fail On Iraq’
O’Hanlon: Obama and Clinton ‘Both Fail On Iraq’
It’s grading season for Brookings analyst Michael O’Hanlon. Just a few weeks ago, he gave President Bush a “gentleman’s B” on Iran and a “B+” on the recent de-Baathification reforms in Iraq. While Bush has fared well in O’Hanlon’s book, the Democratic presidential candidates have not. In an interview with the Washington Times, he says that Obama and Clinton “both fail on Iraq“:
“I’m troubled about what they both say about Iraq. He’s the one who wants to get out very fast, unconditionally, and to some extent, he’s pulled her along,” Mr. O’Hanlon said. […]
“Still, if you add up all of their differences, they both fail on Iraq. They both would get out very fast. They both are advocating a policy that unless significantly modified would lead to a reversal of our military progress in 2007,” he said.
While there have been significant reductions in violence over the past year in Iraq, “progress” in Baghdad is relative to the “pure hell” of 2006. The International Crisis Group warned in a new report that the existing ceasefire among Iraq’s ethnic groups is “exceedingly frail.” And U.S. casualties have begun to increase, rising to the highest levels in the past four months.
Absent from this Washington Times article, of course, is how often O’Hanlon himself has failed on Iraq. In 2004, he favored a timeline for withdrawing U.S. troops from Iraq because, in his words, occupation “breeds cynicism among Iraqis that we are like the colonialists of old, planning to stay indefinitely.”
Since then, however, O’Hanlon has not only supported Bush’s so-called troop “surge,” but he has also advocated for a long-term occupation of Iraq. And he has repeatedly provided cover for the administration’s failing policy:
– “There are good reasons to give the war effort, now almost four years old, another six to nine months before concluding that the current strategy should be discarded and a much different on.” [03/01/07]
– “It’s basically saying nothing more dramatic than give it six more months or so, maybe nine more months.” [08/05/07]
– “But I think this is a very complex subject and could easily see myself changing camps in the next six to nine months.” [09/13/07]
O’Hanlon’s latest “six month” deadline to change his position on Iraq is set to expire next month — at which point he will likely blame someone else for failure.
O’Hanlon Grades Bush On Iran: ‘I Would Give Him A Gentleman’s B’
O’Hanlon Grades Bush On Iran: ‘I Would Give Him A Gentleman’s B’
In 2003, Iran sent the White House a detailed proposal for comprehensive negotiations to resolve bilateral differences, including an offer to suspend nuclear enrichment. The White House rejected the offer out of hand, going so far as to “reprimand the Swiss ambassador for having delivered” the message.
Over the next few years, the Bush administration had no formal Iran policy, and only recently embraced high-level talks with Iran to discuss the future course of Iraq. But even as it has slowly embraced engagement with Iran, the White House’s policy has been marked by war-mongering threats.
The National Intelligence Estimate revealed that the White House was trumpeting false threats about Iran’s nuclear program. Most recently, the administration has resorted to fear-mongering over the alleged “provocative and dramatic” encounter between five Iranian speedboats and three major U.S. warships in the Strait of Hormuz. For all this, Brookings “scholar” Michael O’Hanlon awards the Bush administration a “gentleman’s B” for its handling of Iran:
Michael O’Hanlon, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, said he was not convinced Bush should be blamed for failure with Iran.
He said the Bush administration has done a “reasonable job” supporting European diplomacy and gradually tightening sanctions “as hard as it is to get Russia and China along.”
“It has not been a dramatic failure,” O’Hanlon said in an interview. “I would give him a gentleman’s B.”
O’Hanlon doesn’t stop there with his praise for Bush’s foreign policy. In an op-ed in yesterday’s Washington Times, he gave the recent de-Baathification reform a “grade of B+.” Recall, those reforms passed by the Iraqi parliament “could actually exclude more former Baathists than it lets back in.” The Washington Post reports the “law could set off a new purge of ex-Baathists.”
It’s no surprise that O’Hanlon is eager to show his affinity for President Bush. What is surprising is that he restrained himself from giving the President straight As.
Surge Architects Tout ‘Success’ Of De-Baathification Bill As Reason To Stay ‘Heavily Engaged In Iraq’
Surge Architects Tout ‘Success’ Of De-Baathification Bill As Reason To Stay ‘Heavily Engaged In Iraq’
Today in a Washington Post op-ed, surge advocates retired general Jack Keane, AEI scholar Frederick Kagan, and the Brookings Institution’s Michael O’Hanlon trumpet Iraq’s new de-Baathification legislation as a first step in the surge’s “remarkable” success:
The full surge has been in place and operating for just over six months, and already violence has fallen dramatically across the country. The achievement in such a short time of significant legislation that requires all sides to accept risk and compromise with people they had been fighting only a few months ago is remarkable. It would have been unattainable without the change in strategy and addition of American forces that helped bring the violence down.
The authors pass off the bill’s problems by noting that the “legislation is imperfect, of course.” But many Sunni and Shiite officials have stated that the bill “could actually exclude more former Baathists than it lets back in, particularly in the crucial security ministries.” In fact, as Middle East expert Juan Cole has noted, the legislation was actually spearheaded by the most anti-Baathist groups and opposed by former Baathists.
Keane, Kagan, and O’Hanlon don’t let these concerns interfere with their sunny assessment, however, briefly writing that this “possible problem” will need to be “cleared up.” Last week, Kagan compared the bill to “the beginning of their [Iraqi] civil rights legislation.”
What does all this “good news” mean? According to the three armchair generals, it means that U.S. troops should stay in Iraq as long as possible, despite the recommendations of U.S. commanders:
Petraeus and Gen. Ray Odierno know the strains the surge has placed on the military and believe that we can reduce our forces to pre-surge levels by this summer without compromising our gains. Considering the big steps taken by Iraqi security forces over the past year, as well as the tremendous damage our forces and Iraqi forces, together with the Iraqi people, have done to al-Qaeda in Iraq, the Sunni Baathist insurgency, Iranian-backed special groups and the fighting elements of the Jaish al-Mahdi, this belief is probably justified. But we cannot be sure.
Absent from the online version — but present in the print edition — is the authors’ call to “plan to stay heavily engaged in Iraq for several more years.”
While Keane, Kagan, and O’Hanlon herald the Bush administration’s “ongoing engagement,” it’s important to remember that President Bush’s former appointee Paul Bremer was responsible for de-Baathification in the first place. In 2003, Bremer issued a sweeping order that outlawed Saddam Hussein’s Baath Party and dismissed all senior members from government posts. (This point is acknowledged in the online version of the op-ed, but is notably absent from the print version.)
UPDATE: Boston University professor Andrew J. Bacevich also writes an op-ed entitled “Surge to Nowhere” today in the Post: “In only one respect has the surge achieved undeniable success: It has ensured that U.S. troops won’t be coming home anytime soon. This was one of the main points of the exercise in the first place.”
UPDATE II: The Group News Blog has more on how the surge is supposedly “working.”
O’Hanlon Mourns That Obama Was Right On Iraq
Brookings fellow Michael O’Hanlon continues his abysmal record of staking out the wrong positions on Iraq in an article in this morning’s Wall Street Journal, criticizing presidential candidate and Illinois Senator Barack Obama’s position on the war.
It is puzzling why newspapers print O’Hanlon’s analysis, since he’s been repeatedly wrong in staking out his inconsistent and often incoherent positions on Iraq. As Think Progress has previously noted, O’Hanlon’s record on Iraq policy for the past five years has been radically uneven — at one point in 2004, supporting a timeline for withdrawing troops, and at other points arguing for staying the course for years to come.
Angling for influence is nothing new for O’Hanlon, who tried to position himself in the policy and political debates by in 2004 by criticizing Howard Dean and throughout the past year with proponents for change in Iraq like Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid.
In this electoral year’s article from O’Hanlon, he outlines what he sees as two main problems with Obama’s Iraq position:
1. O’HANLON: “[Obama] seems contemptuous of the motivations of those who supported the war.”
O’Hanlon offers up a thinly-veiled defense for analysts like himself who offered tragically wrong advice in the war in March 2003 — O’Hanlon cannot seem to face up to the fact that he lined up on the wrong side of the arguments on Iraq, and America has suffered serious damage to its national security as a result.
O’Hanlon argued against the war at certain points in 2002 and even outlined a long list of preconditions before going to war in a policy paper he co-published called “Getting Serious About Iraq” (most of these conditions were not met). But then he forgot many of his own arguments and naively accepted the information and arguments presented by the Bush administration on the eve of the war. (He said about Bush’s case for war in the 2003 State of the Union address the president was “convincing on his central point that the time of war is near.”)
It may be that people are contemptuous of those who posture and profess to offer expertise on the right path forward on Iraq like O’Hanlon does, even though their track record is awful. In most professions, there are consequences for bad performance. Doctors face the threat of medical malpractice suits; policy analysts like O’Hanlon get to make mistakes again and again with impunity, as do journalists who quote him and publish his pieces. Read the rest of this entry »
O’Hanlon Teams Up With AEI’s Kagan To Advocate Pre-Emptive Strike On Pakistan
O’Hanlon Teams Up With AEI’s Kagan To Advocate Pre-Emptive Strike On Pakistan
In the wake of the recent crisis in Pakistan, Iraq escalation architect Frederick Kagan of AEI and Brookings analyst Michael O’Hanlon penned a column yesterday urging the U.S. to weigh a military option in Pakistan to secure its nuclear stockpiles:
[T]he United States simply could not stand by as a nuclear-armed Pakistan descended into the abyss. … We need to think — now — about our feasible military options in Pakistan, should it really come to that. … Pakistan may be the next big test.
As the “intellectual architect” of the Iraq “surge,” Kagan (who also advocates war with Syria and Iran) was personally invited by the White House to help “hammer out” the escalation strategy last year. O’Hanlon has backed war with Iraq since 2002 and is a chief proponent of a long-term occupation of Iraq.
In the op-ed, they recommend the use of Special Forces to secure the nukes, or a “broader option” requiring “a sizable combat force.” “Somehow, American forces would have to team with Pakistanis to secure critical sites and possibly to move the material to a safer place,” they write. “Moderate Muslim nations” would join the U.S. in organizing a combat force in Pakistan.
The duo claims it is not “strategically prudent to withdraw our forces from an improving situation in Iraq” to implement these plans. But such a plan would eviscerate the “out of balance” U.S. military, according to Gen. George Casey. The National Security Network adds:
Kagan and O’Hanlon clearly have a hidden stash of U.S. soldiers. Even if you were sending “just” 40,000-50,000, our military could not sustain that operation without taking our troops out of Iraq.
O’Hanlon and Kagan’s strategy depends on cooperation from Pakistan and “moderate Muslim nations,” but such cooperation is unlikely as President Bush’s approval rating in Pakistan is currently at nine percent and at similar levels across the Muslim world.
The White House said in July that it would consider strikes against al Qaeda in Pakistan, which drew “a chorus of protests in Pakistan” and caused greater instability. No matter the consequences, the military option is always on the table for O’Hanlon and Kagan.