Last year, Rep. Paul Ryan (R-WI) and his radical House budget rode a wave of conservative popularity all the way to a spot on the Republican Party’s presidential ticket. Six months and one resounding electoral defeat later, Ryan’s popularity has collapsed and even his Republican allies are disavowing his ‘cut first, ask questions later’ approach to the federal budget. And yet for the third straight year, Ryan has put forth a plan that would gut Medicare for future beneficiaries, reduce spending on programs that primarily benefit low-income women and children, protect tax loopholes for oil companies and Wall Street banks, and lower taxes on millionaires and billionaires.

Last week, Democrats unveiled a budget proposal of their own, one that stands in stark contrast to the plan put forth by House Republicans. Here’s a quick look at the key differences between Sen. Patty Murray’s (D-WA) proposal and Ryan’s:

Over the last year, Republicans in Congress have criticized President Obama and Senate Democrats for ignoring the budget ideals reached by former Sens. Alan Simpson and Erskine Bowles that cut spending, reformed entitlements, and raised tax revenues. Now that Senate Democrats have introduced a budget that reaches top-line numbers similar to those in Simpson-Bowles, however, Republicans are still claiming that it raises too much revenue.

In fact, the Senate Democratic budget cuts spending to 21.8 percent of GDP, the same level reached by Simpson and Bowles. But it also raises revenue to just 19.4 percent of GDP, much less than the Simpson-Bowles plan, as Center for American Progress Tax and Budget Policy Director Michael Linden shows in this chart:

That’s not to say Simpson-Bowles is the ideal budget the American economy needs or that the Senate Democratic budget is perfect or complete. It still has details to fill in, most notably on tax reform. But even though the budget cuts domestic discretionary spending, it doesn’t immediately slash spending to levels that the American government hasn’t seen in more than half a century, as Ryan’s does. And unlike Simpson-Bowles, it protects entitlement programs from drastic changes and includes a modest amount of funding for stimulus measures to help boost the economic recovery.

But for all the wrangling about compromise in Washington, particularly among media types, it’s clear that while Ryan produced a budget based on Republican fantasies, Senate Democrats chose a plan that is in line with the top-line numbers contained in other moderate, bipartisan proposals.

Sen. Patty Murray (D-WA)

The Democratic budget would replace the automatic budget cuts, known as sequestration, that took effect on March 1 with a different set of cuts that will achieve $1.95 trillion in total cuts and revenues. Here are the main provisions of the Democratic budget as outlined by Murray:

$1.85 trillion in total deficit reduction: The Senate budget achieves $1.85 trillion in total deficit reduction split evenly between spending cuts and new revenues and bringing total deficit reduction since President Obama took office to more than $4 trillion once combined with past spending cuts and tax increases. It includes $493 billion in domestic spending cuts, $275 billion of which would come from health savings determined by the Senate Finance Committee. The other $240 billion would come from defense and the end of the war in Afghanistan, and the budget would save $242 billion in interest savings.

$975 billion in new revenues: The budget would achieve half of its deficit reduction from new revenue increases derived from the elimination of tax expenditures and loopholes, though it does not include specifics on which would be eliminated. That would be left to the Senate Finance Committee as part of a broader tax reform bill. A report from the Center for American Progress found that there were more than $1 trillion in tax expenditures that could be eliminated. Those include subsidies for oil and gas companies, a loophole that benefits hedge fund managers, ending tax breaks for corporations that move jobs overseas, and limits on deductions for wealthy taxpayers.

$100 billion in stimulus spending: The budget also includes $100 billion for programs meant to boost the economic recovery, including $50 billion for infrastructure projects. The rest would go toward worker training programs and other forms of stimulus spending, according to Murray.

The Democratic budget would not achieve balance over the 10-year budget window, a point the Budget Committee’s Republicans repeated throughout the markup today. The House GOP budget, by contrast, claims to balance in 10 years, though those claims are built almost entirely on unrealistic revenue projections.