Rahm Emanuel: ‘I’ll Push For’ Marriage Equality |
While Illinois Gov. Pat Quinn (D) is not sure if he supports marriage equality, Chicago mayor and former Obama Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel promised to advocate for legislation legalizing same-sex marriage in the state. “I’ll push for it because it is consistent with the values base, and the practical values base, that I think is right as a city, as a state and as a country,” he said. “If you have two loving adults, that should actually be held up as a positive, whether it’s male or female, but in this case female-female, male-male. I think that’s proper, and we shouldn’t as a state discriminate.” Illinois recently enacted civil unions.
Chicago mayor Rahm Emanuel has had a hostile relationship with Occupy Chicago, repeatedly ordering the group to be kicked out of public spaces rather than allowing them to exercise their First Amendment rights. Emmanuel has also raised the ire of the group by championing a budget that will shutter half of the mental health clinics in the city and harmed many other social services.
Today, while delivering a presentation on a new winter attraction in Chicago, Emanuel was confronted by Occupy Chicago. As the mayor was speaking, a cry of “Mic Check!” rang out, and protesters started delivering complaints about Emanuel’s budget and his attacks on free speech. The protesters also tried to deliver a petition requesting access to a public space to continue their 24/7 protest. Emanuel cut his speech short to escape the demonstration. Watch NBC Chicago’s video from the incident:
Earlier, Occupy Chicago attended a town hall meeting of Alderman Joe Moore, taking him to task for supporting Emanuel’s budget. Watch them confronting Moore here.
I’ll have more extended thoughts on Boss over the next couple of days leading up to its Friday premiere, but HitFix and AVClub columnist Ryan McGee and Aol TV critic Maureen Ryan were nice enough to join me to talk about the show on their podcast. Like me, Maureen is a former political reporter and, unlike me, lives in Chicago, and so has some interesting theories on why the city is making a resurgence right now. As I say on the podcast, Boss is an uneven show, vacillating between the extremely wonky and the operatic. But it’s got ambitions, which after a fall of sort of low expectations and poor execution, feels refreshing.
On Friday, Todd VanDerWerff tweeted that one of the producers of Starz’s new political show, Boss, told reporters that “At no point during the show do we refer to parties.”
It’s entirely possible to make shows about politicians without referring to their party affiliations, especially if you show them mostly in isolation, brooding over power and tactics, and even easier if you don’t engage with policy, just with the exercise of brute force. But especially if you’re making a television program about tough-as-nails Chicago politicians, eschewing party politics means you’re giving up most of the means by which that brute force is exercised, and by which the objects of that force are defined. If you’re going to have enemies in political stories, you have to figure out who they are, and parties are useful identifiers, whether your foe is an ideological rival, a procedural one, or your rival for position within the hierarchy of the party itself.
I’m sympathetic to the idea that the folks who make smart television don’t want to risk their audience before a show even starts airing, especially if, like Starz, you’re trying to establish yourself as destination channel for smart original content that doesn’t involve people getting naked and killing each other in arenas. But Democratic and Republican politics don’t play out the same way on the local level — even in big cities — as they do nationally. Parks and Recreation‘s been an incredibly effective demonstration of that. It would be entirely possible to have Kelsey Grammar, who is playing a Rahm-like politician on the show Boss, have Rahm’s personally aggressive style without attaching Rahm’s voting record and stances in the Obama administration to him, using a series of local issues and relationships with local stakeholders to define him as a Democrat or a Republican.
Or even if that’s too touchy, why not invent a couple of fictional political parties? That kind of work happens most often in science fiction, scabrous satirical humor, or in Dave Barry books, but there’s no reason it couldn’t be done in more realistic dramas, in ways that are usefully thought-provoking. I’d be curious to see a long-running exploration of what it would be like to have one party that’s fairly interventionist on both moral and social safety net issues, opposing abortion, equal rights for gay couples, and the death penalty while supporting universal health care and heavy taxes on the wealthiest citizens positioned against a much more staunchly libertarian party that’s pro-choice, low-tax, low social services, etc. One of the best things about Kings was that it didn’t spend a lot of time explaining the new framework that it was operating in: the show just sort of plunged in and let you figure out the importance of the powerfully active military-industrial complex. While I like Kings, it’s also reasonably obvious why it didn’t find a network following — the lead actor simply isn’t very good, and the religious stuff is incredible, but probably would have found a more natural audience on a network like HBO, which also would have found alternative ways to support its heavy production costs.
But I don’t think that fate would necessarily attach to a show that was more of our world, with smaller but significant tweaks to the positions that, bundled together, define political parties. We can make a nigh-infinite number of television shows about the nature of power as a raw, elemental thing (especially if they star Ian McShane). But they’re not the only kind of fiction we need to help us consider our political system and the future that our politics will define. Our parties are held together by duct tape, temperamental similarities, entrenched hatred, tears, and determination, but not necessarily by consensus or logic. We’re settled into them for now, but at some point, someone more effective than the Reform Party, or No Labels, or Unity ’08 might come along and present a viable alternative. Our pop culture’s daintiness about parties is in odd contrast to the brutality of our political contests.
Rahm Emanual Hopes Illinois Follows New York, Passes Marriage Equality | Via CNN: “I would hope that the state would move in that direction” Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel said. “Tremendous progress has been made across the country on a value statement and I think that’s very important.” Illinois enacted a civil unions law earlier this year.
As a fan of urban policy, I can certainly sympathize with Rahm Emanuel’s desire to be Mayor of Chicago. And I definitely subscribe to the Tim Fernholz theory that the Rahm as History’s Greatest Monster account of the Obama administration doesn’t really add up.
But of course one way in which my sympathy for the “big city mayor rather than senior White House staffer” view reveals itself is that here I am with my job at a national policy organization and I’m still always talking about urban policy issues. By contrast, I’ve never heard Rahm say anything about zoning or parking or barber licenses or anything else. It’s a bit odd.
Odd and—problematically for the country—typical. We tend to treat state and local politics as just a JV version of national politics. So if you like a centrist Democrat as a congressional leader or a Chief of Staff, you’ll love him as Mayor of Chicago! The reality, however, is that there’s very little overlap between the issues the federal government deals with and the issues city governments deal with. And even though each individual locality is relatively unimportant, in the aggregate state and local government has a huge impact on American life. These issues deserve to be taken seriously on their own terms and not just as proxies for national political priorities.
When asked yesterday on ABC’s This Week about Rep. Joe Barton’s (R-TX) accusation that the White House engaged in a “shakedown” of BP, White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel noted the remark was “not a political gaffe,” but rather a statement based on “prepared remarks.” He linked Barton’s comments to the GOP’s “larger philosophy,” saying it “is an approach to what they see. They see the aggrieved party here is BP, not the fisherman. And remember, this is not just one person.”
Conservative pundit Sarah Palin quickly blasted Emanuel’s comments on Twitter, calling them “shallow” and “irresponsible.” Parroting Rep. Joe Wilson’s (R-SC) rant against Obama, Palin said “Rahm, u lie”:
The right-wing echo chamber was quick to back Palin’s assertion. Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-AK) said Emanuel’s statement that Barton reflects GOP philosophy “couldn’t be more wrong.” On Fox News this morning, conservative pundit Andrea Tantoros said “Palin is absolutely right” that Emanuel “has not a leg to stand on.” Watch it:
Despite the conservative howls, some in the media havefailed to note that Emanuel’s assertion is evidenced by the Republican Study Committee (RSC). Composed of over 115 Republican congressional members, including House Minority Whip Eric Cantor (R-VA) and Chairman of the House Republican Conference Rep. Mike Pence (R-IN), the RSC presented a collective view of what it saw as a White House “shakedown”:
BP’s reported willingness to go along with the White House’s new fund suggests that the Obama Administration is hard at work exerting its brand of Chicago-style shakedown politics. These actions are emblematic of a politicization of our economy that has been borne out of this Administration’s drive for greater power and control. It is the same mentality that believes an economic crisis or an environmental disaster is the best opportunity to pursue a failed liberal agenda. The American people know much better.
If a chorus of over 115 Republican members agreeing with Barton isn’t a reflection of GOP philosophy, what is?
Rep. Darrell Issa (R-CA), ranking member of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee and member of the RSC, even described how he would put that philosophy into action. As the Washington Post’s Greg Sargent notes, Issa said in a recent speech to fellow conservatives that, were the GOP regain a majority in the House and should he get the power of subpoena, he “won’t use it to have corporate America live in fear that we’re going to subpoena everything. I will use it to get the very information that today the White House is either shredding or not producing.”
Last year, White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel announced at the General Assembly of the Jewish Federations of North America in Washington that he was planning to take his son Zach to Israel for his bar mitzvah. “This memorial break, I am taking my son, my nephew Noah with Ari my brother, so they can have their bar mitzvah in Israel,” said Emanuel. Now, right-wing Israeli activists, who consider Emanuel a “traitor” to Israel because of the Obama administration’s stance against new settlement construction, are threatening to “blow up” his son’s ceremony with protest:
Two notorious, right-wing Jewish activists got wind of the bar mitzvah trip, due to take place next week, and warned Emanuel they would “blow up” the celebration. They accuse Emanuel of being behind President Obama’s tough stance against Jewish settlements in occupied territory.
Itamar Ben Gvir and Baruch Marzel wrote to Emanual: “We promise to accompany your son’s bar mitzvah events in Israel, we will make sure to receive you as you deserve to be received … with catcalls and disgust.”
Despite being willing to disrupt his bar mitzvah, the two activists claim their ire doesn’t extend to Emanuel’s son. Ben Gvir told the Jerusalem Post that “if the kid would come alone to the Wall without his father, we would be happy and we wouldn’t complain. But with all that Rahm Emanuel has done against the People of Israel and Land of Israel, we would have no choice but to demonstrate.” “I think he is worse than Hamas,” said Ben Gvir.
Apparently the administration’s jobs plan is to have a lot of profiles be written about Rahm Emanuel. But while previous pieces about which issues Emanuel’s lost out on have dwelled on episodes where liberals are likely to disagree with him on the merits, Noam Scheiber’s version of the profile contains this tidbit:
Then, in July, the White House faced a key decision. Max Baucus, the chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, probably the most important of the five committees considering health care, had spent months negotiating with his Republican counterpart, Chuck Grassley, with little to show for it. Emanuel was getting antsy. He gathered his top aides and pressed for a way to hurry the process along. The Senate labor committee had produced its own health care bill. Perhaps, Emanuel wondered, Majority Leader Harry Reid could bypass Baucus and bring it to the floor. Or maybe Baucus could just stop bargaining with Grassley and let Reid move a more partisan version of his bill.
But, in the end, Obama himself favored letting Baucus negotiate until September. (Though Axelrod stresses that the president was “just as impatient as Rahm was to get moving.”) In fairness, even internal skeptics believed a bipartisan package might be attainable. The problem was that, overlaid on a strategy based on speed and momentum, the extra two months exacted a major cost.
I think the only real question here is whether Emanuel’s favored approach was possible. It’s all well and good to say “Baucus should cut these negotiations off” but if Baucus was just determined to be stubborn, then it wouldn’t have happened no matter what Obama said. This, however, makes it sound as if the President didn’t make any serious efforts in that direction, which I think was a major mistake.
Overall, Scheiber’s profile gives the impression of a very political animal. Someone who’s crowning achievement was that House Democrats had a very good performance in 2006 when he was DCCC Chairman and who has a lot of opinions about what would or wouldn’t be politically smart. It’s important to have someone like that in an administration—you can’t take the politics out of politics—but it’s hard to be too sad that the President often winds up siding with people who offer policy-driven arguments. The pacing of health care, however, was really just an argument about politics and would have been a smart time to listen to your savvy DC political hand.