Ed. note: This is the first post in a TP Ideas symposium on Gar Alperovitz’s What Then Must We Do: Straight Talk About The Next American Revolution. A second and third installment are forthcoming. You can read our previous book symposia here.
Borrowing a line from Tolstoy, Gar Alperovitz’s latest book, What Then Must We Do?: Straight Talk About the Next American Revolution, seeks to resolve a troublesome political puzzle: How do we eradicate systemic problems like inequality, climate destruction, and poverty when these problems seem to get worse and worse, year after year, despite the good efforts of social reformers, progressives, and radicals of all stripes? Good question.
Alperovitz’s earlier book with Lew Daly, Unjust Deserts: How the Rich are Taking Our Common Inheritance and Why We Should Take it Back, combined an empirical analysis of the public origins of private wealth with a clear-headed philosophical rationale for recapturing and reinvesting public investment in education and technology through progressive taxation and other forms of social redistribution. But in this new book, Alperovitz is clearly frustrated with the inability of traditional politic methods — organizing movements, winning elections, pressuring leaders, and passing legislation — to adequately redress systemic problems. He views the big liberal moments of the past, like the New Deal and post-war expansion of the middle class, as historical aberrations, products of system-wide collapse and war-fueled economic growth that cannot be replicated today.
Given our current historical context, he argues for a number of innovative approaches for slowly replacing rapacious corporate capitalism with a more humane, egalitarian, and ecologically sustainable economic system. Rather than mounting a revolutionary attack on the existing order like earlier forms of socialism, Alperovitz advocates steadily scaling up a series of smaller, more democratic forms of organization from worker-owned businesses and cooperatives (“evolutionary reconstruction”) to municipal ownership and other public enterprises (“checkerboard state development”).
On top of these efforts, he calls for more creative approaches to resolving capitalist-induced “crisis” moments like the housing and banking collapse. Alperovitz posits, “[C]onsider what might have happened if the government and the UAW had used the General Motors stock they received because of the bailout to reorganize the company along full or joint public-worker ownership lines –- and the new quasi-public General Motors’ product line were linked to a serious plan both to develop the nation’s mass transit and rail system and to target jobs to economically distressed cities.” Or imagine if America, like other nations, had more public banks, regional development funds, municipal credit agencies, public utilities, and transportation systems. Our economy could be both more democratic and more productive as many economists have concluded when analyzing modern state enterprises in Europe and Asia.
Contra Alperovitz, it’s yet to be proven that more traditional forms of political activism have failed, a point that’s entirely consistent with acknowledging the clear limitations inherent to President Obama’s efforts to build a “new foundation” for the economy and Occupy Wall Street’s stalled efforts to fight inequality and corporate money in politics. To his credit, Alperovitz recognizes that it’s certainly possible for a more just, fair, and sustainable economy to emerge through the means put forth in his earlier book, perhaps even faster than employing the evolutionary steps he proposes.
The real strength to Alperovitz’s new approach lies in its communitarian underpinnings. His suggested alternatives to “corporate capitalism” and “state socialism” place community efforts and genuine democratic participation at the forefront of how we organize our economy, from the production of goods and services to the ownership and management of our biggest enterprises. The question of who runs the economy and in what manner is a powerful one, especially at a time when so many Americans have lost faith in the capacity of the institutions created in the past century — corporations, unions, and governments — to solve our biggest problems.
Alperovitz’s solutions may not be for everyone. Nevertheless, his commitment to community-based economics with real opportunities for individual ownership and pride at work is refreshing and reminds us of America’s historical commitment to ensuring democratic participation in our capitalist system.

1. Avoid Special Effects Arms Races: Subscription support means that HBO can afford to spend $60 million a season on Game of Thrones, building a complex fictional world that includes castles, dragons, and ice zombies. Network television, especially given declining viewership and correspondingly shrinking ad rates, won’t ever be able to keep up with that kind of investment. So it shouldn’t try, settling for shows that look bad, or that end up blowing their budgets on CGI dinosaurs rather than acting talent. I may not like NBC’s Revolution much, but when it comes to genre, it’s doing the right thing, building a post-apocalyptic society that is dense with forest rather than full of heavily made-up zombies or other magical creatures. Constraints can make for a lot of creativity. Network should accept its limitations, and build smart worlds within them.
3. Genuinely Family-Friendly Shows: The success of Downton Abbey is an illustration of a serious gap in the television market: programming that people of all ages can watch, enjoy, and discuss. So much of what’s on television is narrowly targeted or toned by age right now—a show like New Girl wouldn’t even be close to appropriate for a pre-teen audience, but its appeal has a cutoff well inside the target demographic. CBS’s Partners may be an attempt to speak to a younger generation whose friend groups have always included gay couples, but in tone and style, it’s aimed more at older viewers who are still getting used to the idea. Setting aside in-jokes or concepts that are targeted at certain demographics and trying for concepts and tones that are more universal could meet the needs of entire families. The 8 PM hour is considered a dead zone on broadcast television right now, which is too bad. There’s no reason to waste the hour after homework and before a reasonable bed time.
While watching the new fall television pilots and revisiting some old shows that are back this fall, I was struck by a worrisome conclusion. There are a lot of shows that have picked the wrong person to place at the center of their storytelling at the expense of much better characters, or that are treating people other than their true main characters as if they’re the main attraction for purpose of advertising. A bad offender on the latter score this fall is Last Resort, which is running print ads that make it appear as if Scott Speedman is the show’s star, rather than Andre Braugher, who dominates the pilot, for reasons you can probably do the math about. But while it’s one thing to start a show with the assumption that one character is the hook and to have others emerge, it’s a shame to watch a show spend seasons focused on the wrong people.
Over the last two television seasons, both Fox and NBC have both tried to make science fiction and fantasy shows work, focusing heavily on the visuals rather than the conceptual and emotional architecture underneath them. Both Terra Nova and Revolution look good. Fox spent money to make sure its dinosaurs didn’t look like an embarrassment. In its pilot, Revolution’s abandoned shells of airplanes and overgrown Major League baseball stadiums have a handsome air of decay. But watching both those shows and the finale of SyFy’s Lost Girl in recent days, it’s striking the extent to which shows seem to be able to pull off either the look or the ideas, but rarely both.
I’d expected the sharpest questions at the panel for Revolution, NBC’s dystopian drama about a world where electricity ceases to function, would be about the show’s rather uneven execution of its premise. But the panel for the show went in a different direction entirely when creator Eric Kripke, explaining the rules of the world, explained that “Guns are possible in the world, but they’re confiscated, because we’re living in the Monroe Republic, which is a dictatorship, and they’ve taken away people’s right to bear arms.” Star Giancarlo Esposito, who plays the enforcer for that regime, continued the theme. “Can you imagine not having the right to bear arms, not having the right to protect your family or yourself?” he asked. His character is a enforcer for the Republic, the person who is confiscating those arms, who believes himself to be “the one step that is keeping everyone safe. Without him there would be total anarchy.”
