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Stories tagged with “Richard Nixon

Justice

Richard Nixon Wanted A Handgun Ban

Previously unreported tapes of Richard Nixon reveal the president once called for a ban on handguns.

The Associated Press reports Nixon took a hard stand during an exchange on May 16, 1972, the day after an attempted assassination on George Wallace:

I don’t know why any individual should have a right to have a revolver in his house,” Nixon said in a taped conversation with aides. “The kids usually kill themselves with it and so forth.” He asked why “can’t we go after handguns, period?”

Nixon went on: “I know the rifle association will be against it, the gun makers will be against it.” But “people should not have handguns.”

Publicly, Nixon never called for this measure, though Nixon said he would sign a bill that banned on “Saturday Night Specials” — cheaply made and easily concealed guns. Beyond that Nixon took no further action, seemingly advised not to pursue the issue. At the time, Attorney General John Mitchell told Nixon, “the gun lobby’s against any incursion into the elimination of firearms.”

Pro-gun interests are only more powerful today through the National Rifle Association. Meanwhile, the debate on gun violence is a different conversation on what commonsense federal reforms could pass, such as a ban on assault weapons, large-capacity ammunition magazines, and universal background checks. Even if Nixon’s handgun ban were part of our political conversation today, it would not survive contact with the Roberts Court. Five justices held in District of Columbia v. Heller that handguns enjoy special constitutional status and cannot be banned in the home.

Nevertheless, one fact is unchanged 40 years since Nixon’s remarks: More guns increases the risk of violence and unintentional shootings.

Republicans, including Nixon and Ronald Reagan, have backed anti-gun violence measures, and yet President Obama’s commonsense, widely supported proposals have only met blanket resistance from the NRA.

Economy

Sheryl Sandberg, Meet Richard Nixon: Why We Don’t Have Universal Childcare

Without wading too deep into recent debates about whether wealthy CEOs and college professors understand the needs of working class people when it comes to balancing work and family life, it should be noted that we might not even have these conversations today if it weren’t for Richard Nixon’s crass political calculations in 1971 to veto legislation that would have provided near-universal, publicly-supported child care for Americans.

As Robert Self recounts in his excellent book on the politics of the family, All in the Family: The Realignment of American Democracy Since the 1960s, the Comprehensive Child Development Act (CCDA), sponsored by Democratic Senator Walter Mondale and Democratic Rep. John Brademas, passed both houses of Congress in 1971 and awaited President Nixon’s signature. The bill “included a sliding-scale payment system that would have made child care far more affordable for the nation’s poor and middle class alike. It came closer than any previous legislation to recognizing child care as part of women’s economic citizenship.”

Instead of doing the right thing for American families, Nixon listened to Pat Buchanan and other right-wing voices in shooting down the bill. As Self describes:

The internal debates within Nixon’s circle were heavily influenced by anti CCDA diatribes in the conservative press—attacks led by the conservative columnist James Kilpatrick and the conservative newspaper Human Events—as well as the tide of letters arriving at the White House castigating the bill as an assault on traditional motherhood and a discredited form of liberal social engineering.

After a conspicuous delay, Nixon vetoed the bill. Calling it the ‘most radical piece of legislation to emerge from the ninety-second Congress,’ he claimed that it called forth ‘communal approaches to child rearing over the family-centered approach.”

None of this true, of course. Millions of families, of all ideological stripes, depend on child care every day as a basic means for both working and raising a family. And millions more would love to have high-quality care and pre-school for their children but can’t afford it. As Self writes about the aftermath of the defeat of the CCDA, “While women on welfare could qualify for some subsidized child care, and child tax credits were added in subsequent years, on balance, women and families were left to their own devices and to the private market to care for children while parents worked.”

So because of Nixon and his allies, here we are in 2013 with progressives and President Obama having to once again bring up the “radical” idea that working parents should be supported in their efforts to both succeed at work and take care of their children.

Hopefully Congress today will listen to Sen. Johnny Isakson (R-GA) who calls the President’s push for universal pre-school “a great idea” rather than acquiesce once again to the political logic of Tricky Dick.

Our guest blogger is John Halpin, a Senior Fellow at the Center for American Progress and the co-director and creator of the Progressive Studies Program at CAP.

Election

Steve King: Obama’s Response To Libya Attack Is ‘Worse Than Watergate’

Republicans and conservative media outlets like Fox News began blaming the Obama administration for “covering up” the events that led to the deaths of four Americans in Libya just moments after the raid on the U.S. consulate on September 11th. But even as their various accusations and conspiracies have fallen to close scrutiny, the GOP is still making Obama out to be the next Richard Nixon.

“Benghazi is a far worse situation than Watergate,” Rep. Steve King (R-IA) said during an event earlier this week. “I have more questions than I have answers about that one. Who told the Seals to ‘stand down’? We will hold hearings. We will get answers. This is disgraceful. But if Obama is re-elected, it’s going to take longer to get facts about this than it has to get facts on the Fast and Furious.”

An investigation into Fast and Furios — a gun trafficking operation gone wrong — criticized federal officials, but “exonerated Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr., whom many Republicans have blamed for the scandal.”

Alyssa

The Perils Of The ‘Watchmen’ Prequels

I do think that J. Michael Straczynski is basically correct that, given the nature of storytelling in comics, that “the perception that these characters shouldn’t be touched by anyone other than Alan is both absolutely understandable and deeply flawed…Superman is the greatest comics character ever created. But I don’t hear Alan or anyone else suggesting that no one other than Shuster and Siegel should have been allowed to write Superman.” And given the buzz about a Watchmen prequel movie, some prequel comics were probably inevitable. Given both of those things, and that I’m essentially reconciled to the idea that we’re going to have more of these stories that I see as essentially finished, I think the real problem with this project is that it’s focusing on the earlier lives of the characters we came to know in the initial story arc.

It’s not just that we know them fairly well already, and what the new books would be filling in is psychology and peripheral adventures rather than character details. It’s that I think it would be much more interesting to tell this backstory through structure rather than through characters, looking at a government that first institutionalized superheroes and then banished them to quiet retirements with the Kane Act. This is one of the reasons the Agent Colson moments and continuity in the Avengers movies and peripheral material have been so much fun. These are supposed to be projects that are reasonably thoughtful about what it would be like to have superheroed people in our midst, and folks like Colson, or regular liaisons to the Watchmen are so useful: they’re a way in to the idea not of having powers, but of reconciling yourself to people having powers around you that you don’t have access to and that you hope won’t be turned against you.

Watchmen told us something about ourselves or who we could have been: the forgiveness of Nixon, the decisive victory rather than the slow dissolution in the Cold War, the continuation of a high crime rate, the hypercorporatization of our country and our culture. Fleshing out the Comedian’s role as a sanctioned superhero, and the decisions that lead to his assassination of President Kennedy or his role in Vietnam, would be more interesting than explaining why Nite Owl is depressed because it’s about us, not about them.

Alyssa

Watch These Movies While You’re Waiting For The Iowa Caucus Results

Thanks to the vast expansion of our cable news industry, you could spend hours tonight watching talking heads speculate about the potential results of the Iowa Caucuses tonight. But fortunately, you don’t have to! You can keep hitting refresh on Twitter or the news site of your choice while watching any one of these movies, which actually get the mechanics of politics right in a way that most others don’t, and that most snap-judgment analysts won’t.

1. Primary Colors (1998): Unlike most political movies, which set up a dichotomy between often-unnamed but clearly defined members of opposite parties, the vast majority of Primary Colors takes place during the Democratic primary. That means you get tough debates, hilariously incompetent campaign volunteers who get whipped into a professional fighting force, the entrance of a late-breaking messiah candidate who turns out to be not-so-messianic, and best of all, a deeply cranky conversation about a meeting with the Lubavitcher Rebbe. This is politics as informed and presented by people who have actually been there.

2. Definitely, Maybe (2008): This movie may be disguised as a romantic comedy, but it’s a savvy look at the disappointment of the Clinton years that draws its small dramas from an actual understanding of political pressure points. Fundraising gets you places. Both candidates and journalists have a dangerous desire to be liked. Not putting union bugs on Democratic paper goods during a campaign is disastrous. The president probably will not remember his early volunteers years down the road.

3. The American President (1995) and Thank You For Smoking (2005): It’s sort of amazing how naive Aaron Sorkin is about lobbying in The American President, a movie that makes the profession look so sexy and principled it’s sort of shocking it wasn’t a product of the influence industry itself. Thank You For Smoking is a loopy tonic to that misconception. Watch this double-header as we gear up for a Super PAC-filled election year, and vow not to get fooled again.

4. Contagion (2011): In the hysteria of an election year, it can be easy to forget that there’s life beyond politics and elected officials. But a lot of what’s important about presidential candidates is the people they’d appoint to serve under them, and any administration is limited in the changes it can make by layers of existing bureaucracy, regulations, and the time it takes to turn a ship much bigger than the Titanic around. Contagion‘s a critically important reminder that in crisis, it’s not always a matter of whose finger is on the button.

5. All the President’s Men (1976) and Dick (1999): These two very different retellings of the same essential story make two different but critically important points. First, journalism is hard, and it’s difficult to do it even when you have all the right breaks and time in which to do it: so how hard must it be to nail down true stories on the campaign trail, where everyone is sleep-deprived and exhausted, and events are moving extraordinarily rapidly. Second, politicians are people, often eccentric, obnoxious people. They want power, but they want other things too, including pot brownies and to kick their dogs.

Yglesias

Only Nixon Could Go to Ireland

Timothy Naftali’s been doing the Lord’s work since he was sent by the National Archives to wrest control of the Nixon Library from the Nixonphiles, and while the anti-semitism revealed in the latest tapes won’t surprise anyone this seems like a very strange thing to say about Irish people:

In a conversation Feb. 13, 1973, with Charles W. Colson, a senior adviser who had just told Nixon that he had always had “a little prejudice,” Nixon said he was not prejudiced but continued: “I’ve just recognized that, you know, all people have certain traits.”

“The Jews have certain traits,” he said. “The Irish have certain — for example, the Irish can’t drink. What you always have to remember with the Irish is they get mean. Virtually every Irish I’ve known gets mean when he drinks. Particularly the real Irish.”

Drunk Irish people are fun! Everyone knows that. Meanwhile note that Irish affection for booze is not just a lazy stereotype, the people of Ireland do in fact have the world’s second-highest per capital alcohol consumption after Luxembourg, a tiny oft-ignored outlier in many ranking lists.

Media

Braindead Media Flashback

It’s easy to get nostalgic for “the good old days” but Brad DeLong reminds us that dumb media coverage has always been with us, citing Walter Lippman in October 1968:

I believe that there really is a “new Nixon,” a maturer and mellower man who is no longer clawing is way to the top, and it is, I think, fair to hope that his dominating ambition will be to become a two-term President. He is bright enough to know that this will be impossible if he remains sunk in the Vietnam quagmire. Ending the war is indispensable if he is to become a successful President…

A good point.

Yglesias

McCain: Bush Should Get Off The Hook— Just Like Nixon

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John McCain believes that there should be no real accountability for Bush-era lawbreakers, based on the Watergate precedent: “Most people in retrospect believe that Ford’s pardon was right, because we moved on. We have got to move on.”

I would say that adherence to this precedent still implies that Jay Bybee should be forced from office even if there’s no further punishment for him.

But a broader question here is whether it isn’t time to reconsider the idea that the “system worked” during the Watergate process. I think a good case can be made that starting with Gerald Ford’s pardon of Nixon, moving forward into George H.W. Bush’s use of the pardon power to kill off the Iran-Contra investigation, and now shifting toward the present day when it’s apparently become a fringe left position that the laws of the United States of America should be enforced that we’ve moved through a dangerous cycle of impunity. It seems to me that, in effect, Nixon’s dictum that “if the president does it, it’s not a crime” has been entrenched into American customary law. Officially, he was repudiated. But in reality I think you’d have to say that the Nixon Doctrine—that claims of national security allow the President to order whatever he wants, irrespective of statutes or treaties—has become the de facto law of the land.

And it was Ford who got the ball rolling.

Yglesias

Frost/Nixon

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It seems to me that I’m a Peter Morgan fan. I liked The Last King of Scotland, I liked The Queen, and I enjoyed Frost/Nixon a great deal. But per Kevin Drum and Becks it’s important for people to understand that this film is terrible history. Not just in the sense that, like many historical films, it gets some facts wrong. The whole premise is wrong. Read Elizabeth Drew for a lengthy explanation, but to make a long story short the movie leaves out the fact that Nixon and Frost had a deal whereby Nixon was entitled to 20 percent of the proceeds from the interviews. They were business partners, not antagonists, and Nixon knew he had to “make news” with some kind of dramatic Watergate statement.

Meanwhile, I should say that I’m not normally a strickler for accuracy in these sorts of things. I thought it was a good movie — well-acted, and given a good, if false, story. But in my role as a political blogger I think it’s important that people learn the facts.

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