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Climate Progress

The Congressional Budget Office Says We Need A Price On Carbon Emissions

The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) thinks putting off efforts to reduce carbon dioxide emissions risks “catastrophic” losses for the United States’ economy and society. That’s according to a new report on the economic and environmental effects of a carbon tax CBO published Wednesday.

The CBO is the group of analysts tasked with modeling and projecting the consequences of Congress’ proposed laws, so that lawmakers can have some idea of what the likely consequences of their actions will be. You may recall the CBO from the big role its scores played in the debate over health care reform a few years ago. They’re a highly respected, methodologically cautious, and strictly nonpartisan outfit that’s widely viewed as the go-to authority for refereeing policy disputes in Washington.

With China on the verge of unilaterally putting a cap on its own carbon emissions, and with wide support for a carbon tax amongst voters, politicians, industry, economists and think tanks, the fact that CBO is using its position to highlight the risks of not addressing climate change is worth paying attention to.

Now, much of their report’s content wasn’t new. It projected that a price of $20 per metric ton on carbon dioxide emissions would bring in $1.2 trillion in revenues between 2012 and 2021, and cut emissions by roughly 8 percent over the same period, which came from work CBO did in 2011 (page 205). And the debate over what to do with the revenues from a carbon tax, which much of the report is dedicated to, is also familiar.

But one thing that is noteworthy is CBO’s blunt assessment that allowing climate change to continue unchecked could be very costly to both the United States and global society:

Climate change resulting from an increase in average temperatures is a long-term problem with global causes and consequences, including effects on humans and ecosystems. Significantly limiting the extent of future warming would require a concerted effort by countries that are major emitters of greenhouse gases. Nonetheless, U.S. efforts to decrease emissions would produce incremental benefits, in the form of incremental reductions in the expected damage from climate change.

Researchers have attempted to estimate the monetary value of the future damage from climate change associated with an increase in CO2 emissions in a given year — and thus the value of the benefits from a commensurate reduction in emissions — a measure referred to as the social cost of carbon (SCC)… Those values are highest when researchers attach significant weight to long-term outcomes and when they incorporate a small probability that damage from climate change could increase sharply in the future — causing very large, or even catastrophic, losses. Delaying efforts to reduce emissions increases the risk of such losses. Given the inherent uncertainty of predicting the effects of climate change, and the possibility that it could trigger catastrophic effects, lawmakers might view a carbon tax as a reflection of society’s willingness to pay to reduce the risk of potentially very expensive damage in the future.

Even CBO’s 2009 round-up of climate change science, which focused heavily on the uncertainty built into such projections, pointed out that the worst case scenarios for climate change “even if unlikely, would justify more stringent policies than would result from simply balancing the costs of reducing emissions against the benefits of averting damages from the expected or most likely degree of warming.”

As for the question of how to structure a carbon tax, the Center for American Progress’ Richard Caperton put forward a proposal last December for a tax of $25 per ton on carbon dioxide emissions from power plants. That ought to put us on a course to reduce those emissions by 17 percent from 2005 levels by 2020, and 80 percent by 2050, though the tax would ultimately need to be expanded to the entire economy. Caperton estimated the revenue from this tax — more limited than the one envisioned by CBO — would be in the vicinity of $55 billion annually. That could be split between the roughly $20 billion annually needed to fund research and development of clean energy, deficit reduction, and support for low-income Americans.

That last aspect is especially important, because on its own a price on carbon has a regressive effect, imposing more costs on the poor and the working class than the well-off. Reductions in the payroll tax, or refundable income tax rebates, would do the most good, mainly because they target support to the very people who would most need help shouldering higher energy costs. But CBO’s new report also found that a price on carbon would reduce overall growth slightly by reducing incomes throughout the economy, and by working through income taxes those two options would counteract that drag.

Economy

How To Close The Loopholes That Made Apple’s Tax-Dodging Completely Legal

Apple CEO Tim Cook testified Tuesday before the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, following that panel’s report that Apple has avoided tens of billions of dollars in U.S. tax liability through complex, lawful multinational structures. Cook was the latest head of a major technology company to face Senate scrutiny for its corporate tax behavior, after the same panel summoned Microsoft and Hewlett-Packard executives in September 2012.

Just as his competitors did before the same Senate panel last fall, Cook defended his company’s tax strategies as both legal and in his shareholders’ interests. Cook’s endorsement of corporate tax reform was more specific than the broad support Microsoft executive Bill Sample offered last year. But his support for lowered rates, closed loopholes, and doctrinaire reforms is unlikely to take the heat off the eye-popping tax behavior that inspired the hearing.

The panel’s investigation found, with Apple’s cooperation, that the company’s three Ireland-based subsidiaries “have no tax jurisdiction at all,” as The Guardian explains, allowing it to shelter tens of billions in sales from not just U.S. but all taxation.

The complex arrangement includes three subsidiaries, based ostensibly in Ireland, which appear not to be designated as tax resident anywhere, the committee said. A source on the committee called them “iCompanies – I for imaginary, invisible”.

The commitee said that the arrangement, described by one senator as “the epitome” of tax-avoidance schemes, allowed Apple to pay only very small amounts of tax on much of its overseas profits, thanks to the Irish companies that exist “nowhere” for tax purposes. […]

One of those Irish affiliates, Apple Sales International (ASI), reported sales income of $74bn over four years but paid hardly any tax. In 2011 ASI had pre-tax earnings of $22bn but paid just $10m in tax, a rate of 0.05%.

Citizens for Tax Justice says Apple is holding fully $102 billion in untaxed offshore cash. The Financial Times notes Apple is careful to maintain appearances, however. It’s reported tax rate of 25.2 percent for 2012 “is an accounting entry and has no effect on the actual amount of taxes paid,” which amount to more like a 15 percent effective tax rate.

Throughout the hearing, both senators and witnesses repeatedly acknowledged that Cook and his fellow executives are indeed operating within the law. The dispute is over how policymakers should respond to a corporate tax code so riddled with loopholes and bad incentives that Apple and other multinationals behave in this way. As corporations have manipulated the flaws in that tax code and payroll taxes have increased, working people have replaced companies as a primary source of tax revenue:

One response to the flawed corporate code, supported by many businesses, would be to offer a tax holiday on repatriated profits currently sheltered overseas. Congress tried such a holiday before, and it was a massive failure. Cook’s rejection of this approach was heartening, but the rote ‘simplification’ of the system he repeatedly endorsed amounts to what’s known as a territorial approach, whereby loopholes are closed and the tax code is rewritten such that companies pay U.S. taxes on U.S. revenues.

For all their simplicity, such territorial systems encourage an international race to the bottom on corporate taxation, as Europe has discovered. Last week, Bloomberg’s Jesse Drucker detailed the perverse corporate tax outcomes created by European policymakers who talk about making it harder to dodge taxes but whose policies actually make it easier.

Threading the policy needle between race-to-the-bottom territorial policy, tax holiday giveaways, and the current ineffective legal web is quite difficult. But economist Alan Auerbach has one idea, explained in a paper jointly published by the Center for American Progress and the Hamilton Project, that would seem to balance both government and corporate interests. Auerbach suggests that multinational companies pay their taxes only in the countries that use their products, so that moving money across borders doesn’t alter the taxes they owe in any given country. Tim Fernholz of Quartz explains that Auerbach’s idea strips “the ability to move US profits overseas” artificially, as present law has encouraged Apple to do. With a few other tweaks, this could make it more attractive to invest in the U.S.

So far, today’s hearing has not entertained this notion of destination-based taxation on multinational activity. But it’s the sort of Gordian Knot approach to a longstanding, costly policy tangle that might appeal to the head of a company that once made “Think Different” its global slogan.

Economy

Victims In Texas Fertilizer Plant Explosion May Still Have To Pay Property Taxes

(Credit: Rod Aydelotte/Waco Tribune)

West, Texas continues to be rocked by the aftermath of the fertilizer plant explosion last month. Victims are now discovering they may still have to pay property taxes on their destroyed homes. While these homeowners can file protests until the end of May, the law requires property values to be determined on January 1 of the tax year. Local governments are allowed to reappraise homes after natural disasters, but the fertilizer plant explosion was very much a man-made calamity.

Even the mayor, Tommy Muska, has filed to protest the property value of his home, which is so badly damaged from the blast that it may cost $300,000 to repair. However, the mayor noted, granting victims relief is a “double-edged sword,” as the town will flounder from the millions of lost tax dollars. The magnitude of the explosion, which claimed 15 lives and injured 160 others, also devastated a huge chunk of West’s much-needed revenue for many years to come:

Hahn estimated that West lost at least $29 million in taxable value as a result of the blast, not counting damage to nontaxable property such as schools, water tanks and infrastructure.

That amount represents more than one-fifth of West’s tax base of $140.4 million, according to preliminary values. Hahn said losing that much revenue this year would hobble the finances of the city and West Independent School District when they need the money the most.

Whatever the appraisal district decides, either the victims or the town will take a debilitating hit. Victims cannot count on West Fertilizer Co. for compensation, either. The plant was only insured for $1 million of damages, a negligible sum that does not even begin to cover the actual losses. Property damage alone is projected to reach $100 million. Even so, the company was not required to carry any liability insurance at all. Many states, including Texas, do not impose any legal requirements for companies to have liability insurance. This latest revelation is just one of the myriad regulatory failures that led to the deadly explosion.

On Friday, the Texas Department of Public Safety and the Texas Rangers launched a criminal investigation into the explosion. Some victims are also pursuing civil lawsuits against the company.

Climate Progress

A Price Is Right: Carbon Tax Has Very Broad, Bipartisan Support (Outside Of Congress)

The Washington Post editorial board calls a carbon tax “one of the best ideas in Washington almost no one in Congress will talk about.” It joins a very diverse group (including conservative economists, big oil companies, environmental advocates, and most Americans) that thinks pricing carbon pollution is smart policy. People are talking about it, if you know where to listen.

First, there is some activity in Congress. The Senate Finance Committee released a white paper last month which recommended a carbon tax as a way to reduce the estimated $16 billion of foregone energy tax expenditures in 2013. Back in February, Senators Bernie Sanders and Barbara Boxer introduced comprehensive climate legislation that would put a price on carbon pollution and invest in a renewable energy economy. Boxer, Chair of the Senate Environmental and Public Works Committee, said she would move the bill through her committee and hopefully to the Senate floor this summer. Rep. Henry Waxman, Rep. Earl Blumenauer, Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse, and Sen. Brian Schatz have also released a carbon price discussion draft for review.

However, given the last few years of congressional inaction, it would be surprising if the Senate passed legislation to put a price on carbon or the bill received bully pulpit support from the White House. Even more so if the House took it up. During the budget debate in March, the Senate rejected an amendment that would have made it more difficult to pass a carbon tax, though it did get majority support. The GOP House leadership, following the lead of Americans for Prosperity and the Tea Party, signed a “no climate tax” pledge along with nearly 100 other House members. And new Treasury Secretary Jack Lew said in a written statement prior to his confirmation that the administration is not planning to propose a carbon tax, though its hard to believe President Obama would veto a bill containing one if it actually arrived at his desk.

That is a lot of strikes against a proposal, even by the standards of the barely-functioning U.S. political system. 90 percent of Americans support background checks on gun sales but that could not make it out of the Senate. So is a price on carbon completely dead? Or mostly dead?

Putting a price on carbon pollution is something that finds support in across the globe, and in some very unexpected places.

Large areas of the world have already put a price on carbon:

  • 33 countries and 18 sub-national jurisdictions will price carbon in 2013. This comprises 850 million people and nearly a third of the global economy.
  • An official in the Chinese Ministry of Finance said that the country was considering a price on carbon along with a market-based cap-and-trade system. China’s emissions are the largest in the world and if the nation put a well-designed price on carbon it would have a significant impact.

Support for pricing carbon pollution is surprisingly widespread in the U.S.:

  • 67 percent of Americans would rather reduce the deficit via a carbon tax than through cutting government programs, according to a poll conducted last December. A revenue neutral carbon tax that would provide dividends back to taxpayers and invest in renewable energy received 70 percent support in the poll.
  • Another poll by YouGov found 56 percent of Americans would prefer a carbon tax to help reduce the deficit. The poll used an interesting tool that allowed participants to try to balance the budget themselves, which led to more than half concluding that a carbon tax would be a good idea. (Another poll found less support if the revenue would only be used to pay for renewable energy initiatives, so the fiscal component is key to gaining wider support.)

Many businesses prefer taxing carbon pollution:

Read more

Economy

Senate Passes Bill To Give States Ability To Collect Online Sales Tax

The United States Senate voted Monday evening to pass the Marketplace Fairness Act, bipartisan legislation that would close what is known as the “Amazon loophole” by giving states the authority to collect sales taxes on online purchases even when internet retailers aren’t based within their borders. That loophole gives online sellers an advantage over brick-and-mortar retailers that have to collect sales taxes on most purchases.

The legislation passed 69-27.

The new rules would apply to all retailers with sales exceeding $1 million a year should it pass the House of Representatives, where it is expected to face opposition. Amazon, the largest online retailer, now supports it, but eBay and other online outlets are opposed. eBay sent 40 million emails to its users in April protesting the legislation.

“The contentious debate in the Senate shows that a lot more work needs to be done to get the Internet sales tax issue right, including ensuring that small businesses using the Internet are protected from new burdens that harm their ability to compete and grow,” Brian Bieron, eBay’s Senior Director of Global Public Policy, said in a statement. “eBay will continue to focus on bringing greater balance to the legislation by protecting small businesses with less than $10 million in sales or fewer than 50 employees.”

Despite those concerns, the closure of the loophole will have big benefits for states and taxpayers. States have lost billions of dollars to the loophole at a time when tight budgets have forced them to cut back on education and other programs. Low-income taxpayers, meanwhile, will benefit because closing the loophole will make state sales taxes slightly less regressive. However, raising the exemption, as eBay wants to do, would significantly reduce those benefits, which have been sought by governors, including Republicans, across the country in recent years.

Climate Progress

Even A Moderate Price For Carbon Pollution Has a Big Impact On U.S. Emissions

Last week, I wrote a piece “Extending Current Energy Policies Would Keep U.S. Carbon Pollution Emissions Flat Through 2040.” It was based on the latest report from the U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA), summed up in this chart:

But EIA has modeled other cases than just one that extends tax credits for renewables and the like.

In fact, EIA has a chart-creating website that allows you to pick different scenarios. Here’s one that compares the reference case (i.e. no new policies) with the extended policies case with a carbon dioxide price scenario:

Figure: Energy-related CO2 emissions (in green) assuming a $25 per metric ton CO2 price starting in 2013, rising 5% per year through 2040 — compared to business as usual (in purple) and extended energy policies (in blue).

This CO2 price leaves emissions in 2040 one third lower than current (2012) levels — and 40% lower than 2005 levels. It is a pretty modest price for carbon pollution. The actual social cost of carbon today (and in 2040) is probably considerably higher (see here).

Economy

eBay Launches Massive Push Against Bipartisan Online Sales Tax Legislation

The Senate moved a step closer to giving states the authority to collect sales taxes on online purchases Monday, voting 74-20 to begin debate on the Marketplace Fairness Act. The bill, which would close the so-called “Amazon Loophole” that allows online retailers to avoid collecting sales taxes from purchasers in states where they do not have a physical presence, has broad bipartisan support among both conservatives and liberals, and the voting margin nearly mirrored a symbolic resolution on the measure earlier this year.

But even though Amazon, long the beneficiary of the loophole, now supports the legislation for its own reasons, other online retailers are mobilizing against it. eBay, the online auction and retail site, sent emails to 40 million of its users over the weekend, urging them to voice opposition to the bill, as Reuters reports:

The e-commerce giant plans to send emails from Donahoe to at least 40 million eBay users, including most sellers on the marketplace. The first messages were sent out Sunday morning.

In the emails, [eBay CEO John] Donahoe said the legislation, known as the Marketplace Fairness Act, unfairly burdens small online merchants and asked eBay users to send an email message to members of Congress asking for changes.

The current legislation, introduced by Wyoming Sen. Mike Enzi (R), exempts companies with less than $1 million in annual out-of-state sales, a threshold eBay says would hit many of its online merchants. It wants to expand the exemption to companies with less than $10 million in out-of-state sales.

Raising the exemption would largely defeat the purpose of the legislation, though. Because they don’t have to collect sales taxes in most states, online retailers have a built-in advantage over brick-and-mortar retailers that have no choice — and that advantage exists for no particular reason. And businesses that would be exceed the $1 million sales exemption, meanwhile, are hardly small-time retailers. Raising the exemption would also put a dent in the revenue generated by closing the loophole, estimated at as much as $11 billion for states that have faced crunched budgets in the aftermath of the Great Recession and have been forced to cut spending as a result. And while sales taxes are inherently regressive, the Marketplace Fairness Act would make the tax code slightly more progressive, since many low-income families don’t have the option to shop at online retailers that don’t currently levy sales taxes.

Economy

How Closing The Online Sales Tax Loophole Would Help Low-Income Families

The Senate will likely vote this week on legislation that would close the “Amazon Loophole,” a tax loophole that allows online retailers like Amazon and eBay to avoid collecting sales taxes on most purchases made through the sites. The loophole gives online retailers a major advantage over their offline competitors, since they only have to collect sales taxes in states where they have a physical presence.

The Marketplace Fairness Act, which has bipartisan support in the Senate, would change that, giving states the authority to levy sales taxes on online purchases even when the retailer isn’t based within a state’s borders. Passing the legislation would both remove an unfair advantage for online retailers give cash-strapped states more authority to collect sales taxes. But despite warnings from conservatives that it would represent a “government takeover of the internet” and levy “taxation without representation,” the loophole also makes sales taxes even more regressive, since low-income families often don’t have access to online retailers:

Even apart from the Internet sales tax issue, poorer families pay a larger share of their income in sales taxes than better-off families do because they have to spend almost everything they earn. Tax-free Internet shopping compounds the problem: many low-income families would love to shop online to avoid sales tax but can’t because they don’t own a computer or can’t afford high-speed Internet access.

In addition to placing even more of the burden of sales taxes on low-income families, the inability to collect sales taxes from online retailers costs states billions of dollars, exacerbating the budget problems they have faced since the Great Recession. Those problems have led to substantial spending cuts, most of which are targeted at education, unemployment, transportation, and other programs that help low- and middle-income families, meaning the loss of revenue from the Amazon loophole (which Amazon now supports closing) gives an unnecessary advantage to some businesses while hurting the most vulnerable Americans in multiple ways.

Economy

Moderates Say: Let’s Tax The Rich!

In Washington, you tend to hear a lot about how great moderates are.  According to newspaper editorialists and other professional centrists, if only we listened more to moderates, we’d be able to find that comforting middle ground between that horrible, no-good class war politics of the left and the hardline conservative politics of the right.

Well, I’m all for listening more to moderates but I know something that most professional centrists don’t: The typical moderate is actually quite progressive — you might even call them a class warrior. Take these just-released data from Gallup.

One question asked whether distribution of wealth in the US is fair or whether it should be distributed more evenly.  By a very healthy 59-33 margin, the public thought wealth should be distributed more evenly.  But those sentiments are too wimpy for moderates who call for a more even distribution by a substantially wider 65-29 margin.

Another question asked whether government should redistribute wealth by “heavy taxes” on the rich.  The public endorsed the heavy taxes idea by 52-45, the highest level of support since the question was first asked in 1999.  But once again moderates are made of sterner stuff: they call for heavy taxes on the rich by a more robust 55-41 margin.

So the next time you catch someone yammering on about how moderates are alienated by class war politics, remind them of what moderates really think instead of what they think they think.

Economy

Christie Revives Tax Cut That Would Give 40 Percent Of Its Benefit To The Top 1 Percent

New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie (R) is reviving a once-failed income tax plan that will give a 10 percent tax cut to all of the state’s residents but will grant more of its benefits to the wealthiest New Jerseyans. Christie pitched a similar plan in 2012, but it failed at the hands of Democrats in the state senate when the state’s revenue levels fell far short of projections.

State revenues are healthier now, however, and Christie is using that to justify the plan’s revival, Bloomberg reports:

Homeowners earning $400,000 or less would get an income-tax credit equal to 10 percent of their property taxes, capped at $10,000 and phased in over four years. The governor made his proposal a condition of his increasing a separate tax credit for low and middle-income workers. [...]

“The big excuse for not doing this before was they weren’t sure if we had the revenue,” Christie said. “Four months in a row we’ve exceeded our projections on revenue, and the economy’s really starting to come back here in New Jersey.”

Revenues for the current year are less than one percent above projections, according to the state treasurer, after they rebounded at the end of 2012. But even if revenue levels are in a better position, Christie’s tax cut would still aim most of its benefits at the wealthy. While Christie touts the plan as giving an average tax cut of $775, the similar 2012 version would have given just $80 to a family making $50,000, roughly the median American income. The wealthiest 1 percent of New Jersey taxpayers, meanwhile, would receive 40 percent of the total tax cut, with millionaires saving roughly $7,200 a year.

New Jersey’s tax code is already skewed toward the wealthy, according to the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy, which found that the bottom 20 percent of New Jersey taxpayers pay an average of 11.2 percent of their income in taxes. The top 1 percent, meanwhile, pay just 7 percent of their income in taxes each year.

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