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Health

Major Medical Groups Reject Scott Walker’s Stringent Anti-Abortion Legislation

(Credit: Jim Watson/AFP via Getty Images)

Over the past two weeks, Wisconsin Republicans have fast-tracked several anti-abortion measures they hope to squeeze in before this year’s legislative session ends. Gov. Scott Walker (R) has already thrown his support behind some of the abortion restrictions — but the same isn’t true for any of the major medical associations in the state.

As the Capital Times notes, Wisconsin’s proposed abortion restrictions — which include a bill that would shut down abortion clinics and mandate potentially invasive ultrasound procedures, a bill to prevent abortions based on gender, and a bill to prevent insurance coverage of abortion in Obamacare’s health insurance marketplaces — don’t have the backing of leading doctors’ groups. The Wisconsin Medical Society, the Wisconsin Association of Local Health Departments and Boards, the Wisconsin Academy of Family Physicians, the Wisconsin Hospital Association, and the Wisconsin Public Health Association have all declined to endorse the measures.

Susan Armacost, the legislative director for Wisconsin Right to Life, told the Capital Times that the doctors and medical leaders who haven’t announced their support for the abortion restrictions are being “short-sighted.”

“We would remind the medical community that abortion is unlike any other medical procedure. Its only goal is to destroy a human life,” Armacost said. “I would think if they stopped to think about this, they would realize it is not like setting a broken wrist or taking out appendix.”

Aramcost’s comments reflect the anti-abortion community’s push to segregate abortion services from the rest of women’s health care, an indirect method of restricting women’s access to reproductive health services. That tactic that has been largely successful, as many states lack adequate numbers of abortion providers now that mounting piles of restrictions have made it too difficult to practice abortion care.

But the professional medical community stands in opposition to this characterization of women’s health. Earlier this month, the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, a national organization representing thousands of women’s health experts, came out against state-level abortion restrictions that interfere in their work. And as anti-abortion legislation has gotten more extreme over the past several years, increasing numbers of nonpartisan medical associations have chosen to wade into politics by expressing their opposition to abortion bills.

LGBT

Senator: Government Shouldn’t Prevent Employers From Discriminating Against Gay People

Sen. Ron Johnson (R-WI) (Credit: AP)

WASHINGTON, DC — Though he insists he holds no personal ill-will towards gays and lesbians, Sen. Ron Johnson (R-WI) sees no need for a law that would make it illegal for bosses to fire someone because of his or her sexual orientation.

In an interview with ThinkProgress at the Faith & Freedom Coalition’s annual conference on Thursday, Johnson argued against the Employment Non-Discrimination Act, a bill in the Senate that would make it illegal to discriminate against LGBT individuals because of their sexual orientation or gender identity. “I don’t particularly like the federal government telling anybody to do anything,” Johnson said. When we asked if he held the same views about laws that protected women and minorities from discrimination, Johnson quickly ended the interview.

KEYES: The Senate this summer is going to be taking up the Employment Non-Discrimination Act, which makes it illegal to fire someone for being gay. Do you know if you’ll be supporting that?

JOHNSON: All I can tell you, in my own business I had a policy of total non-discrimination. We had gay and lesbian individuals working for us.

KEYES: Do you think it should be a law, though?

JOHNSON: Again, I don’t particularly like the federal government telling anybody to do anything.

KEYES: What about for women or minorities?

JOHNSON: We gotta go.

Watch it:

Incidentally, Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) ended his interview on ENDA after the same question on Thursday as well.

Workplace discrimination is a major problem for LGBT individuals. Nearly 40 percent of openly LGB employees have been discriminated against in their jobs, as have an astounding 90 percent of transgender workers.

Johnson’s view that it should be legal for businesses to fire workers for their sexual orientation or gender identity puts him squarely out of step with his state. The state of Wisconsin has long had a law prohibiting discrimination based on sexual orientation (though not gender identity). In fact, they were the first state to enact such a law when Gov. Lee Dreyfus (R) signed the bill in 1982. Wisconsin also became the first state to elect an openly lesbian candidate to the Senate in 2012.

The fact that Johnson himself does not personally want to fire people for being gay isn’t enough. As a senator, it’s his job to decide what should be illegal in society. After all, few in modern society would argue that businesses should be allowed to fire women for their gender or minorities for their race.

Health

Four States Pushing Through Last-Minute Abortion Restrictions Before Lawmakers Break For The Summer

(Credit: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

Across the country, states’ legislative sessions are drawing to a close. Over the past several months, lawmakers have been busy enacting over 300 provisions to restrict reproductive freedom — but in some states, they’re not done yet. Even though state legislators are running out of time in the 2013 session, the following states are fast-tracking anti-abortion measures they hope to push through before adjourning:

1. WISCONSIN: Abortion opponents in Wisconsin have successfully pushed through SB 206, a measure introduced at the beginning of June, in a matter of weeks. SB 206 would require women to undergo a potentially invasive ultrasound procedure and force one of the state’s last abortion clinics to close its doors. Women’s health advocates have accused the state legislature of rushing through the bill too quickly so its opponents won’t have enough time to mobilize against it. On Wednesday, in the midst of a contentious debate over SB 206 on the Senate floor, Republicans cut off the debate and forced a vote on the legislation — even among Democratic lawmakers’ protests that the discussion wasn’t over. It passed, and now heads to Gov. Scott Walker (R), who has already promised to sign it.

2. TEXAS: The legislative session in the Lone Star state has already ended, but that doesn’t mean Texas women are safe from assaults on their reproductive rights. Gov. Rick Perry (R) has called a special session to give lawmakers a chance to consider legislation that hasn’t been able to advance yet, after anti-choice lawmakers pressured him to give them a chance to keep trying to push through abortion restrictions. This year, Democrats successfully blocked at least 24 anti-abortion bills introduced during the regular session. But they may not be able to do so in the current special session, which is operating under different rules that allow for less debate. Now, Republican lawmakers may be able to successfully advance SB 5, a sweeping anti-choice measure that would criminalize abortions after 20 weeks of pregnancy, shut down 80 percent of the state’s abortion clinics, and limit women’s access to the abortion pill.

3. OHIO: Lawmakers in Ohio are currently engaged in budget negotiations — and abortion opponents have attached amendments to the proposed budget that would defund Planned Parenthood, shut down abortion clinics, and redirect state funding to right-wing “crisis pregnancy centers” that mislead women about their reproductive options. Earlier this week, a coalition of Ohio Republicans also introduced a separate abortion bill that combines several egregious attacks on women’s health into one measure. HB 200 would — among other things — mandate invasive ultrasounds and require women to cover the additional cost of the procedure, force women to wait 48 hours before accessing abortion services, and require doctors to tell their patients about a widely debunked link between abortion and breast cancer.

4. NORTH CAROLINA: At the end of May, the North Carolina legislature approved new abortion restrictions — including a measure preventing women from using their own insurance plans to cover abortion care — right before a deadline that non-budget bills must meet in order to stay alive in the next session. But even though the legislative focus has now turned to the state budget, that hasn’t stopped Republicans from continuing to push anti-abortion measures. Lawmakers have tacked on a budget amendment to allocate health care funds to crisis pregnancy centers, despite the fact that they don’t actually offer the full range of women’s health services, like contraception or abortion referrals. The new budget priorities, which also include tax breaks for the wealthy and cuts for other social service programs, have sparked mass protests at the state capitol building this week.

Health

Scott Walker Endorses Mandating Transvaginal Ultrasounds And Shutting Down Abortion Clinics

(Credit: AP)

Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker (R) has thrown his support behind an anti-abortion measure that’s currently moving through the state legislature, saying he will sign the bill into law if it makes it to his desk. SB 206 would require women to undergo an ultrasound before getting an abortion — which would mandate an invasive transvaginal probe for some of the women who seek early abortions in their first trimester — and force one of the state’s last abortion clinics to close its doors.

“I don’t have any problem with ultrasound,” Walker told reporters on Tuesday in Milwaukee. “I think most people think ultrasounds are just fine.”

Forced ultrasound bills mandate a medically unnecessary procedure that would otherwise be left up to the discretion of a woman and her doctor. Medical experts, including the largest national group representing thousands of OB-GYNs across the country, are opposed to this type of legislation because they say it interferes with their work and compromises their relationships with patients. “All of a sudden, the Senate is full of doctors,” Wisconsin Sen. Tim Cullen (D) said in reference to SB 206′s advancement.

And, even though the lawmakers who push for mandatory ultrasound measures sometimes deny it, these laws also require many women to undergo an invasive transvaginal probe. Before 12 weeks of pregnancy, a transvaginal ultrasound is the only way to detect a clear image — and, since the vast majority of women in the United States seek abortion services in their first trimester, those women must submit to an invasive probe in order to comply with these burdensome laws. Over the past year, reproductive rights advocates have repeatedly decried transvaginal ultrasound laws as “state sponsored rape.”

SB 206 doesn’t stop there. The proposed legislation also includes a provision that would impose additional restrictions on abortion clinics, which would ultimately force a Planned Parenthood clinic to shut down. Since there are only four health clinics in the entire state of Wisconsin that currently provide abortion care, SB 206 could end up severely limiting women’s reproductive access.

The anti-abortion measure was first introduced at the beginning of this month, and it has swiftly advanced in just over a week. Women’s health advocates are accusing the Wisconsin GOP of intentionally fast-tracking SB 206 so that its opponents won’t have enough time to mobilize against it. “This speed of passage sends a clear signal that these legislators want to deny any efforts to ensure due process and are refusing to allow sufficient time for medical providers, advocates, women and their partners to truly weigh in on the anticipated damaging effects of this legislation,” Sara Finger, the executive director of the Wisconsin Alliance for Women’s Health, said in a statement. Finger had less than 24 hours to analyze the legislation before testifying against it.

Walker is expected to follow through on his word to sign SB 206. Throughout his time in office, the GOP governor has approved several attacks on women’s health. Last year, Walker signed three different bills into law to limit abortion access and expand abstinence-only education. And his recent budget stripped family planning funding away from Planned Parenthood, forcing the women’s health organization to close force of its clinics in rural Wisconsin.

Health

Wisconsin GOP Is Working Hard To Shut Down One Of The Last Abortion Clinics In The State

(Ceredit: RH Reality Check)

Under an anti-abortion measure currently advancing in the Wisconsin legislature, one of the state’s last remaining abortion clinics could soon be forced to close its doors. There are only four abortion clinics left in Wisconsin, three of which are operated by Planned Parenthood. The women’s health organization has confirmed that one of its locations will not be able to comply with the proposed restrictions.

If SB 206 is approved, it would require the state’s abortion clinics to obtain admitting privileges from a hospital within 30 miles. On Monday, a GOP-controlled Senate health committee approved the measure with a 3-2 vote along party lines. It now heads to the full Senate, which could vote on it as early as Thursday. If the Wisconsin legislature successfully pushes SB 206 through, Planned Parenthood will be forced to close the clinic that it currently operates in Appleton, WI.

Planned Parenthood’s Nicole Safar explained that the Appleton clinic wouldn’t be able to get admitting privileges quickly enough before the law would take effect. “If this bill passes in the time frame they are proposing, we are closing the doors,” Safar said in reference to the organization’s Appleton location.

Although Republican lawmakers claim that requiring admitting privileges is an important way to make sure that health clinics are providing safe care to women, it’s actually a burdensome regulation that forces abortion clinics across the country to shut down. A similar law in Mississippi has threatened to force the state’s only remaining abortion clinic to close its doors. When Mississippi’s last clinic tried to apply for admitting privileges, it was denied by seven different hospitals. In April, a federal judge intervened, ruling that the unnecessary rule has nothing to do with women’s safety and shouldn’t go into effect in the state.

Wisconsin has launched several serious attacks on women’s health over the past several years. Anti-abortion lawmakers excluded Planned Parenthood from the state funding during the last budget cycle, a move that forced the national women’s health organization to close four of its clinics in rural Wisconsin. State lawmakers have also imposed unnecessary restrictions on the abortion pill that make it more difficult for women to have first-trimester medication abortions. And SB 206 isn’t just about over-regulating abortion clinics — it also contains a provision that would force women to have a mandatory ultrasound before being allowed to receive abortion care, a thinly-veiled attempt to convince women to change their minds about ending a pregnancy.

Justice

Wisconsin Voter Suppression Wins One Round, But Not The Battle

Last year, two state courts in Wisconsin deemed unconstitutional the state’s law requiring photo identification to vote and blocked enforcement of the law, joining other courts around the country that deemed the new round of vote-suppressive laws as infringing on the right to vote. On Thursday, a Wisconsin appeals court overturned one of those rulings. And while the decision could potentially pave the way for upholding the law overall, the three-judge majority in this case took pains to make clear that their ruling is limited to this case only. In the meantime, the law will remain blocked while appeals proceed on several other challenges to the law.

The League of Women Voters challenged the law as unconstitutional on its face, reasoning that it violates the state Constitution’s suffrage provision by creating a new class of people excluded from voting — those without identification. The court rejected this argument and held that, without other constitutional arguments and/or particular evidence that the photo ID requirement will impose a particular burden, the court could not reject the law. They write:

[W]e emphasize that we do not mean to suggest that, assuming that the constitutional “reasonableness” test applies in this context, no identification requirement for potential voters that the legislature might enact could run afoul of either a facial or an as-applied challenge under Article III. Here, we conclude only that the League has not shown beyond a reasonable doubt that the photo identification requirement is, on its face, “so difficult and inconvenient as to amount to a denial” of the right to vote.

In the end, both the League’s argument as to why the photo identification requirement is, on its face, an unconstitutional “additional qualification,” and the League’s implicit argument that the requirement is constitutionally “unreasonable” under Article III, are not easy to pin down, particularly in light of its concessions. In any case, however, the League fails to make a persuasive argument under the correct legal test and substitutes a nebulous “too onerous” test that lacks meaningful content in this facial challenge.

Perhaps the most illuminating part of the decision comes in an extended footnote, in which the court points out that the other challenge pending in state court provides “fact-based evidence” that is lacking in the present case. They also note that even a U.S. Supreme Court case on a similar challenge to a voter ID law did not apply in this case, because that case makes different arguments that a photo ID requirement violates the U.S. Constitution’s Fourteenth Amendment, and “substantially burdens the right to vote.”

All of this signals that at least these three judges would have been more amenable to the other state court challenge on its way, as well as other challenges that provide more evidence of photo ID’s impact. As the Milkwaukee Journal-Sentinel reports, two federal court challenges are also pending, but on hold while the state court cases continue.

After these state court rulings blocked the voter ID law last year, now-Wisconsin Assembly Speaker Robin Vos (R) sought to amend the state’s Constitution law to allow it. Nationwide, studies have found voter ID can disfranchise between 2 and 9 percent of voters, particularly minorities, while the only purpose of requiring the ID is to combat almost nonexistent in-person voter fraud. In Wisconsin, a study found that only 0.00023 percent of votes are the product of such fraud.

Other voter suppression proposals pushed by some state Republicans included eliminating the popular same-day registration program — likely one of the reasons for the state’s remarkable 70.1 percent turnout rate – and replacing a nonpartisan Government Accountability Board with political appointees.

Economy

Scott Walker Touts Job Growth That Ranks Wisconsin Seventh-To-Last In Nation

Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker (R) is pushing a report from his administration’s Department of Workforce Development that puts the state’s net private-sector job gains at 32,000 for 2012. Federally tallied figures for all states won’t be available until June, as CBS affiliate WSAW explains, which renders comparisons impossible:

Walker’s Department of Workforce Development released the new figures on Thursday, but they can’t be compared to other states until next month. Walker has been releasing the figures before they are published officially by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.

Critics say the state’s performance can’t be adequately measured until the numbers can be compared with other states. The most current ranking, comparing jobs created between September 2011 and September 2012, showed Wisconsin was 44th in the nation.

Walker is claiming a two-year total gain of 62,000 private-sector jobs, and a table on page 3 of the state’s report acknowledges the public sector is employing about 8,500 fewer people than it did the month before he took office. That puts the governor less than one quarter of the way to his campaign pledge of 250,000 total jobs created in four years.

If any independent organization would be likely to defend Walker’s record, it would be the conservative U.S. Chamber of Commerce. But the Chamber’s most recent annual scorecard of state economies has the state near the bottom in job creation, as the Madison Capital Times noted shortly after the report was released:

Its annual scorecard on state economies ranked Wisconsin 44th for overall economic performance and 50th — as in dead last — for short-term job growth as measured between September 2010 and November 2012. It also has Wisconsin 39th in “business climate” — on par with the state’s ranking under Gov. Jim Doyle.

Walker’s early-term agenda focused on busting public worker unions in the state and slashing state spending. His successes in pursuing those legislative goals amount to a localized version of the austerity approach to economic growth which Republicans have pressed with less success on the national level. Following the billions in budget cuts he pushed upon taking office, Walker has proposed both further cuts to school budgets and a tax cut that’s heavily slanted towards the state’s wealthiest residents.

Those policies have pulled demand out of the state’s economy, undermining Wisconsin’s growth prospects. Beyond the paltry jobs progress Walker is touting, U.S. Commerce Department figures show the state ranked near the bottom in terms of personal income growth over the 2011-12 period.

Justice

After Courts Block GOP Laws, Wisconsin GOP Pushes Bill To Strip Most State Courts’ Power To Block Laws

Last November, Wisconsin was able to run a fair election unmarred by one of the Republican Party’s favorite voter suppression tactics because two lower courts struck down the state’s unconstitutional voter ID law, and the conservative state supreme court repeatedly refused requests to take up the case before it winds its way through the normal appeals process. Now, a group of Wisconsin Republicans are pushing legislation to ensure that something like this never happens again:

Since 2011, circuit judges have blocked all or parts of laws backed by Republicans that required voters to show photo ID at the polls, limited collective bargaining for public employees and expanded the governor’s power over administrative rules. Under a measure announced Wednesday, such injunctions would be automatically stayed as soon as they were appealed – meaning laws that were blocked would be put back in effect until a higher court issued a ruling. . . .

Currently, circuit court orders in general may not be stayed while an appeal is pending. Under the bill, circuit court orders blocking state laws could immediately be appealed. If appeals were filed within 10 days, the circuit court order would immediately be stayed. The Court of Appeals and the Supreme Court would have the power to reinstate the circuit court’s decision while the appeal was pending.

To be sure, there are sensible positions between generally not allowing stays and making them automatic, but it’s difficult to view this bill as anything other than a Republican power grab. It’s also unconstitutional, according to a former Republican appointee to the state supreme court. Former Justice Janine Geske, who was appointed to the bench by Republican Gov. Tommy Thompson, says that “[t]o statutorily undo a court order before another court has acted on it is clearly to me an infringement on a court’s independence, and I don’t think it will withstand constitutional scrutiny.”

Economy

State-Level Tax Cuts Don’t Boost Job Growth, Study Says

A slew of Republican governors have proposed massive tax cuts that they say will help generate job and economic growth in their states, with some pushing for the abolition of income taxes altogether. That is a misguided approach, though, according to an analysis of past tax cuts from the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.

The five states that implemented deep tax cuts during the 1990s experienced slower job growth over the next economic cycle than states that did not, and none of those states experienced income growth that exceeded inflation, CBPP found:

Similarly, the five states that enacted the deepest tax cuts during the boom years of the middle and late 1990s saw job growth over the next full economic cycle (2000-2007) of less than 0.3 percent per year, on average, compared to 1.0 percent for the other states (see graph). They also had slower income growth than the rest of the nation on average.

CBPP’s report also noted that of eight major reports that studied the effects of state-level tax cuts on economic growth, six found that the cuts did not spur growth. Another found inconsistent results and only one supported the idea.

Still, Republicans in Kansas, Ohio, Indiana, Wisconsin, North Carolina, Louisiana, and Nebraska are pushing massive tax cuts that largely benefit corporations and the wealthy under the banner of boosting economic growth. Those tax cuts will leave lower and middle class families with higher tax rates and fewer services on which they depend. What they won’t deliver, however, is a stronger state-level economy.

Economy

How ALEC Legislators Are Fueling Efforts To Block Paid Sick Leave And Other Pro-Worker Policies

Our guest blogger is Rachel Curley, an intern at the Center for American Progress Action Fund.

The American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), which has been described as a “collaboration between multinational corporations and conservative state legislators”, is waging a campaign against workers, especially those in minimum wage jobs with few to no benefits.

The National Employment Law Project (NELP) recently released a report that tracks “the concrete legislative campaign that ALEC has conducted over the past two years to translate economic ideology into law.” Since 2011, 105 bills “aimed to repeal or weaken core wage standards at the local level” have been introduced in 31 state legislatures, and of those 105 bills, 67 were “directly sponsored or co-sponsored by ALEC-affiliated legislators,” according to NELP. Already, eleven of the 67 bills sponsored by ALEC members have been signed into law.

The report released by NELP highlights three types of bills introduced in state legislatures that reflect “model” legislation already written by ALEC. The report focuses on living wage and prevailing wage repeal and preemption bills, but it also points to other bills designed to repeal, suspend, and weaken state minimum wage laws, as well as ones that weaken overtime compensation policies.

The first one of these preemption bills surfaced in Wisconsin in 2011. The bill targeted a 2008 Milwaukee ballot measure passed with 69 percent of the vote that required city businesses to provide paid sick leave to workers. In response, the Wisconsin legislature passed a law directly nullifying the paid sick leave ordinance. Judge Thomas Cooper of the Milwaukee County Circuit Court upheld the state law, noting that the Wisconsin legislature had “put a bull’s eye on paid sick days” and that the state was completely within its right to void the Milwaukee ordinance.

One sponsor of the bill in Wisconsin was state Sen. Glenn Grothman, a confirmed ALEC member. He previously supported Gov. Scott Walker in repealing the state’s equal pay law by claiming that “money is more important to men” and that “to attribute everything to so-called bias in the workplace is just not true.”

The strategy of ALEC-affiliated legislators, according to NELP, is to repeal current living wage policies or to preempt city and local governments from “establishing a living wage or prevailing wage policy in the first place.” Living wage and prevailing wage policies require employers who receive local government funds to pay their workers according to the cost of living in the area or industry standards for the region.

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