If elected president, Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) would provide $39 billion in federal help for oil and gas companies over the next five years, a new
Some of these subsidies already exist: Current subsidies for the Oil & Gas industry total $33 billion over the next five years. John McCain would repeal some of them, but preserve many of them.
He would also pass a corporate tax cut that would be worth more than $22 billion to America’s five largest oil companies over the next five years.

These same dollars could be spent investing in efficiency and alternative sources of energy, which would save American families money, create thousands of new jobs, and help power millions of homes with clean, renewable sources of energy.
Here’s what the money could do:
– Weatherize over 14 million American homes: This would save each household an average of $360 dollars every year in reduced utility bills, and dramatically reducing energy usage and carbon emissions.
–Invest in wind power: This money could be used to build enough wind power plants to power approximately 6 million homes and create over 46,000 new high-quality jobs.
–Invest in geothermal energy: The same money could be invested in enough geothermal power plants (which generate electricity from heat stored below the earth’s surface) to power over 9.7 million American homes,creating at least 120,000 jobs in the process.
This money comes from Americans in all 50 states. Click here to see your state’s share in these subsidies.
Read the full report here.
Today, Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) unveiled the marketing slogan for his incoherent energy policy — the “Lexington Project.” Seven months ago, he promised he would unveil an energy strategy that “won’t be another grab bag of handouts to this or that industry and a full employment act for lobbyists.” With a campaign run by lobbyists, McCain now has broken that promise.
On November 5, 2007, on the campaign trail in Iowa before the presidential primaries, Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) had to come up with an explanation to justify his vigorous opposition to federal subsidies for corn ethanol. He presented himself as ideologically opposed to government spending, saying that he was “proud of the conservative tradition that the government can sometimes best serve the interests of the American people by knowing when to stay out of their way.”
Praising himself for “straight talk” and “being honest,” McCain said he would eventually unveil an “energy strategy” that would break “our reliance on petro-dictators”:
– “I oppose subsidies.”
– “That strategy won’t be another grab bag of handouts to this or that industry and a full employment act for lobbyists.”
– “But it also means no rifle-shot tax breaks for big oil.”
– “It means no line items for hydrogen, no mandates for other renewable fuels, and no big-government debacles like the Dakotas Synfuels plant.”
– “I know that you have heard before that subsidies to oil will be eliminated, only to experience another disappointment.”
Seven months later, the Republican nomination sewn up, McCain has maintained his uncompromising opposition to corn ethanol — but nothing else. In the past few weeks, McCain has unveiled proposals that belie his “straight talk” about energy subsidies, mandates, big-government debacles, tax breaks, and industry handouts.
McCain’s energy plan now calls for a complex array of federal subsidies for nuclear power, coal, offshore oil drilling, low-emission vehicles, wind, hydro and solar power — a sorry parody of progressive policies. The plan calls for government-subsidized experimental coal plants, fuel mandates, and special tax breaks. The plan calls for massive new federal spending initiatives and new commissions to allocate emissions permits worth billions of dollars. In short, it’s exactly the kind of plan he told the voters of Ames, Iowa he would never, ever propose — and exactly the kind of plan he has no record of ever having worked to craft in his twenty-six years in Congress.
Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) has made his principled opposition to earmarks, pork, and federal subsidies well known. Based on those principles, he has:
– Opposed subsidies for alternative fuels like ethanol.
– Blocked tax incentives for renewable energy and energy efficiency.
– Opposed legislation to protect the Everglades.
– Mocked funding for research on threatened species.
Yesterday in Houston, he put aside his principles, in favor of off-shore oil and natural gas drilling. After calling for lifting the federal moratorium on off-shore drilling, he said:
And in states that choose to permit exploration, there must be an appropriate sharing of benefits between federal and state governments.
He provided the translation for “appropriate sharing of benefits” in a press briefing previewing his speech:
I think that this, and perhaps providing additional incentives for states to permit exploration off their coasts, would be very helpful in the short term in resolving our energy crisis.
McCain has previously made clear his anti-pork principles also do not apply to federal support for nuclear power. In that case, it’s not “subsidies” — it’s “leveling” the playing field for a “vital” industry. Funny how McCain’s principles hold strong in opposition to clean energy and the environment but don’t apply to the nuclear and fossil fuel industry interests fueling his campaign.

On Monday, Senator John McCain (R-AZ) unveiled an “incoherent” global warming plan at the North American headquarters of the Danish wind turbine company Vestas. McCain has justified his long and active opposition to federal support for the domestic wind industry by claiming it “is doing fine.” In his speech Monday, McCain praised wind power for “changing our economy for the better” and said:
When we debate energy bills in Washington, it should be more than a competition among industries for special favors, subsidies, and tax breaks. In the Congress, we need to send the special interests on their way — without their favors and subsidies.
Yesterday, the Wonk Room noted that his top economic adviser, Douglas Holtz-Eakin, disagrees with McCain’s rosy assessment of the wind industry, saying that it needs federal support because “he would want to make sure that we did not at this point in time stop the wind and solar from progressing.”
In fact, two of McCain’s top advisers have been directly involved in stopping the wind industry from progressing, by lobbying against the construction of the first offshore wind farm in the United States — the Cape Wind project proposed for Massachusetts’s Nantucket Sound:
Charlie Black, Senior Political Adviser to McCain: Senate lobbying disclosure documents reveal that lobbying firm BKSH & Associates was retained in January 2008 by the Alliance to Protect Nantucket Sound to “Defeat the proposal for 130 wind turbines” and “promote alternative means to meet energy needs without sacrificing Nantucket Sound.” Charlie Black was the chairman of BKSH until March. [Senate Lobbying Disclosure Act database]
Tom Loeffler, McCain’s Campaign Co-chairman: The Loeffler Group received $380,000 from the Alliance to Protect Nantucket Sound from 2003 to 2005 to lobby against Cape Wind. The Loeffler Group was founded by former Republican congressman Tom Loeffler, who remains its chairman. [Senate Lobbying Disclosure Act database]
McCain is now selling “eco-friendly” campaign items on his website. But all the bamboo T-shirts in the world can’t hide McCain’s true priorities.
(HT: Energy Smart.)
On Monday, Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) gave a major address on global warming policy at the North American headquarters of the Danish wind-turbine manufacturer Vestas, a location criticized as “hypocritical” for his longstanding and active opposition to federal support for the domestic wind industry. In 2004, he introduced legislation that would have eliminated the renewable energy production tax credit, and his continued opposition prevented renewal of the tax credit in 2007 and 2008. He has also vigorously opposed any form of a federal renewable electricity standard.
When asked by Grist magazine in October on his position on subsidies for green technologies like wind and solar, McCain responded:
I’m not one who believes that we need to subsidize things. The wind industry is doing fine, the solar industry is doing fine. In the ’70s, we gave too many subsidies and too much help, and we had substandard products sold to the American people, which then made them disenchanted with solar for a long time.
But in a press telebriefing Monday following McCain’s address, top adviser Douglas Holtz-Eakin said:
When you look at wind and the production tax credit and you look at some of the other alternatives, they cannot given the current market conditions totally be successful without existing production tax credits.
Pressed by Living on Earth’s Jeff Young whether McCain supported the renewable energy production tax credit, Holtz-Eakin said, “He would want to make sure that we did not at this point in time stop the wind and solar from progressing.”
As each day goes by, it’s becoming more difficult for Holtz-Eakin, who made sure to tell reporters on the call that he is a “PhD economist,” to keep track of McCain’s incoherent policies and inconsistent promises.
UPDATE: Gristmill’s Kate Sheppard pressed McCain yesterday on his opposition to renewable energy subsidies but his support for nuclear industry subsidies. McCain did not address the contradiction, but did say: “I am unashamed and unembarrassed by my advocacy for nuclear power.” Also at Gristmill, Charles Komanoff finds:
Over the past 25 years, the entire federal subsidy for wind power [$3.75 billion] has been no greater than the subsidy bestowed on nukes each year from the fifties through the eighties [total $154 billion].
Transcript of Press Briefing: Read the rest of this entry »
Yesterday, Alex Knapp at Outside the Beltway and Kevin Drum at Political Animal proposed getting a grip on tax proposals for the oil industry. As Drum put it: “[F]orget a windfall profits tax, let’s work first on getting rid of the massive corporate welfare infrastructure we’ve constructed for an industry that really, really doesn’t need it.”
Like Alex, Kevin couldn’t find the numbers behind Big Oil’s subsidies:
If I spent several months on this topic instead of half an hour, maybe I could figure this all out, but surely someone else has already done this?
Alex and Kevin, the Think Progress Wonk Room rides to your rescue.
In its report “Federal Financial Interventions and Subsidies in Energy Markets 2007,” the U.S. Energy Information Administration estimated that FY 2007 subsidies for the oil and natural gas industry totalled $2.1 billion. Center for American Progress Action Fund fellows Sam Davis and Daniel Weiss identify the worst of these tax loopholes and lost royalties that involve Big Oil:
The bipartisan Energy Advancement and Investment Act of 2007 had several provisions to close tax loopholes and recover royalties from big oil companies. These provisions would raise $25.9 billion over 10 years by:
- Modifying Section 199 to exclude gross receipts from the sale of oil and gas from the domestic production deduction. Raises $9.4 billion.
- Modifying Section 907 to eliminate the distinction between foreign oil and gas extraction income and foreign oil related income. This would combine foreign upstream and downstream income into a single oil basket for foreign oil and gas extraction income purposes. Raises $3.2 billion.
- Extending the oil spill liability trust fund tax through 2017, and increase it from 5 to 10 cents per barrel. Raises $2.7 billion.
- Recovering forgone royalties by establishment of an excise tax on removal price of taxable oil or gas from federal waters in the Gulf of Mexico. Raises $10.6 billion.
A significant bipartisan majority of the Senate voted for these provisions as an amendment to the Senate energy bill on June 21, 2007, but it fell two votes short of the super majority of 60 votes needed to end debate and pass the amendment.
Eliminating the entire “massive corporate welfare infrastructure” for Big Oil is a much weightier task, of course, entering into the realm of overall corporate tax policy. The Wonk Room has done extensive analysis of Sen John McCain’s (R-AZ) corporate tax proposals and how they would benefit Big Oil.
As economist Reuven S. Avi-Yonah writes in a Wonk Room report, Sen. McCain’s “economic stimulus plan” involves a $1.7 trillion increase in corporate welfare by cutting the corporate tax rate from 35 to 25 percent and by allowing first-year expensing of equipment purchases — a potent new form of tax sheltering.
Domestic Policy Advisor James Kvaal has written in the Wonk Room that the cut in the corporate tax rate alone would deliver about $3.8 billion in tax cuts a year to the five largest American oil companies:

On the campaign trail, Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) has claimed, “I oppose subsidies. Not just ethanol subsidies. Subsidies.” However, McCain also says he will not support climate change legislation without a “dramatically increased role for nuclear power.” In an interview today on Gristmill, top McCain economic adviser Douglas Holtz-Eakin attempts to square the circle:
And if there’s a genuine national interest in using nuclear power as an available, feasible, zero-emissions technology, I don’t think he would argue that that’s a special-interest thing. It’s something the nation needs to do as a priority, and if that means a subsidy, then we need to make the agreement we’re going to do that for those reasons. I think that’s an appropriate role for government, in his view.
Holtz-Eakin went on to claim that nuclear subsidies are needed because of “powerful political obstacles” to nuclear power:
He views this as leveling, not subsidizing.
McCain may frequently praise himself for using “straight talk” to oppose all subsidies — but will change his tune for the nuclear industry, perhaps because Arizona is home to the nation’s largest nuclear power plant.
But home-state pride can’t fully explain McCain’s obsession with a dangerous and permanently toxic energy source. Arizona’s deserts offer the highest solar power potential of any state in the country. Yet McCain thinks the nascent industry “is doing fine” — and he’s backed up this talk by repeatedly killing incentives for solar power.
